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Apart from being commonly understood as a symbol of religious identity, full-face veils (burqa) are also a process through which women redefine their bodies and social status. This article investigates Indonesian women’s commitment to wearing burqa after their work migration in Taiwan and Hong Kong. It focuses on the signification and the redefinition of the body through hijrah (transformation). In-depth interviews conducted with nine Indonesian women migrant workers (WMWs) revealed that this hijrah process characterised by the wearing of the burqa is not always motivated by a religiously radical mindset but more likely by practical considerations aiming to create a sense of security and comfort while working overseas. The burqa is perceived as a symbolic shift in body definition: from being a source of harm, to piety and privilege, paving the way for women to join an emerging elite community, rendering them a new noble and influential social status through socio-religious activities. This study recommends that further research on WMWs in the Middle East needs to acquire a more comprehensive picture taking into account its complexity. Contribution: Beyond the symbolic religious identity, burqa wearing is also a form of political participation. It illustrates women’s agency and transformation in redefining their bodies, public space, authority and public recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Burqa and niqab are currently the two most challenging manifestations of face veil in the West. Developed based on an interpretive method, the present research is an attempt to study and analyze semantic implications of face veil among 24 Muslim Iranian women in Baluchestan Province and Qeshm Island in Iran. Semi-structured interviews and field observations were employed. The findings indicated that the connotation of niqab for the ethnic-religious minority women in Baluchestan was different from that of burqa for the religious minority women living on Qeshm Island. The Baluch women wear niqab as a sign of their collective identity and differentiation as well as maximal religious commitment vis-à-vis Shia-Persian majority; whereas burqa more than representing religious or ethnic identity, is an expressive language for native women to differentiate their personal identity. Burqa, produced in different colors and forms, is rich enough to show the marital status, social class, economic wellbeing and the age of women wearing it in a traditional patriarchal society; whereas all-black niqab prevents the identification and differentiation of the users. Burqa and niqab trade in both regions under study has led to the women-only employment in its manufacturing market, sewing and sales, although applying gold threads on some brands of burqa has turned them into capital goods, playing a more decisive role in socio-economic empowerment of women in Qeshm. Given the findings of this study, it may be concluded that various types of face veils in the world of Islam represent certain signs and symbols within ethnic-religious structures that need further deliberation before enactment of any law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The visibility of women and their freedoms in the French public sphere is envisaged in this article on the basis of laïcité and gender equality. Within the debate about the rights and limitations of Muslim women, French feminist ideology seems to be torn between two totally contradictory positions. Anti-veil and anti-burqa laws are on the one hand defended in the name of laïcité and the emancipation of women. On the other hand, the laws are severely criticized because they marginalize Muslim women from the majority of French society. The main aim of this research is to analyze anti-veil and anti-burqa laws in France by focusing on their historical and social foundations from a feminist perspective. Next, this study argues that the visibility of Muslim women in the French public space, which is banned in the name of republican and laic values, is actually valued by some feminist groups who cast an exclusionary and othering glance at the clothing of Muslim women, such as the headscarf or the burqa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why has the face veil become the centre of political debates about Islam in urban contexts? What kinds of experiences and ideas have animated its framing as a practice in need of regulation? Focusing on Spain, we argue that space and emotion are the key categories for explaining the micro-politics of face veil conflicts and that constitute face veiling as an object of contention "on the ground". We suggest the notion of regimes of public space and highlight three central components: (1) understandings of ideal public space; (2) regimes of urban visibility; (3) emotional regimes. Taken together, these dimensions filter forms of inclusion and exclusion that emerge from regulatory practices and feed into graduated forms of urban citizenship and frame people's sensibilities. The article also illustrates how the spatial analysis complicates the secular-religious dichotomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study attempts to describe the components, characteristics, and implications of burqa in Qeshm Island, Iran, through an ethnographic method. The sample of the study is composed of twelve burqa-wearing women who were selected by applying a purposive sampling method. The process of data collection took 1 year, and the researchers conducted observations, note-takings, photography, and interviews with the participants on the field. The findings indicated that unlike niqab in the Arab countries, burqa is not surrounded by ideology. It is a cultural product which needs to be understood based on six main themes. In this cultural context, burqa is considered to be a social construction through which women reconstruct and moderate their social status, distance themselves from imposed roles and stereotypes, distinguish themselves from others with their creativity and innovation in designing burqas, and occasionally benefit from burqas’ financial value. Considering the various implications of burqa in the Muslim world and in Iran, it is proposed that the laws pertaining to this region be legislated based on the recognized indication of burqa by ethnic and religious groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the use of the full-face veil in the public sphere, discussing the standpoint adopted by some local authorities in Spain and Italy and the content of different proposals that have been submitted to Parliament in both countries, aimed at restricting the use of this garment in public places. The doctrine of the ECtHR in S.A.S. v. France will be taken as a benchmark for a comparative study of this issue in both Mediterranean countries. It is assumed that from a legal approach the wearing of burqa is a very complex question that requires a detailed analysis of the different elements involved, including its social implications before giving it an enduring solution. A general ban can be detrimental for the goal of integration, and give way to new forms of discrimination. Therefore, prior to enacting any legislation that could affect fundamental rights, it should be considered what public interests are in real need of protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyse the legislative processes leading to forbidding the wearing of burqas and the building of minarets in Switzerland by a postcolonial approach. In 2009, a federal popular initiative amended the Swiss constitution by forbidding the construction of minarets across the Helvetic territory. At the same time, several right-wing parties have attempted to pass a general prohibition of the burqa in public spaces since 2006. As a consequence, in 2013, the canton of Tessin has adopted an article prohibiting the face covering in public spaces and, in 2016, a popular initiative for the ban of the burqa in the whole country was launched. Starting from the content analysis of parliamentary debates and legislative documents concerning these bans, hegemonic and Eurocentric narratives excluding Muslims from the national community will be examined. The article also aims at casting a new light on the interlinkages between Swiss direct democracy, populism and Islamophobia. Furthermore, the exploitation of gender aimed at reinforcing Islamophobic narratives will be analysed. In both the minarets and the burqa ban cases, the image of women has played a crucial role in justifying the right-wing discourse on Muslims and Islam in Switzerland. On the one hand, the minarets ban has occupied the Swiss public space by a propaganda poster showing a woman wearing a burqa in front of minarets erected like missiles on top of a Swiss flag. On the other hand, the burqa ban articulated its campaign around the defence of freedom and women's right as Swiss traditional values. By deconstructing political and legislative arguments against burqa and minarets, the article shows how they have encouraged the legitimacy of public Islamophobic discourses and fostered a crystallised and undifferentiated representation of the Muslims' presence in Switzerland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2010, the French government passed a law banning face coverings in public places. This includes shopping malls, restaurants and schools. Although worded widely, the law was drafted to prevent Muslim women from wearing the Islamic face veil in public. Those who wear it now risk facing a criminal conviction. In February 2014, the House of Commons held a Second Reading of the Face Coverings (Prohibition) Bill, which is very similar to the French law. Though it did not complete its passage through Parliament, the Bill signals an intention by some to ban face veils in British streets. This paper will examine the main arguments for and against the policy to criminalise the burqa and how a ban undermines the autonomy and identity of Muslim women. It will argue that a paternalistic law that instructs women what they can (or cannot) wear would be very alien to British culture. Analysis will also be provided on the Grand Chamber’s decision in SAS v France (2015) and the potential impact this might have for the UK and human rights law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An appreciation of Listen that tries to analyse the way the film presents a complex social issue from the different points of view of the people it impacts upon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the summer of 2014, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the French 2010 law banning face-covering clothing in public spaces, the so-called burqa ban, did not violate the right to freedom of religion. Due to the 'wide margin of appreciation', the Court deemed the ban proportionate to the French state's legitimate aim with the ban of preserving the conditions of 'living together'. The paper analyses and provides an internal criticism of the Court's justification for this judgement focusing on the aim of living together and the right to freedom of religion. The Court's justification presupposes that (a) there is a justification for the ban in terms of the aim of living together, (b) this is a legitimate aim and (c) the ban is a proportional means of pursuing this aim. The paper analyses the Court's justification and argues that it fails to substantiate all three conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the reduced presence of the far-right in Catalonia, anti-immigrant stances and discourses have occupied a central position during political campaigns for local, autonomous, and national elections in 2010–2011. The Catalan case is based on the analysis of three case studies: the local exclusion from the census of undocumented immigrants by the city of Vic, the campaign of the People's Party candidate in Badalona containing hate speech against Roma, and the burqa bans issued by the city of Lleida. Representatives of mainstream political parties, mainly right wing, became the main exponents of intolerance in Catalonia by putting forward that cultural pluralism and diversity challenge the possibility of living together in society. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper locates the discussion on wearing niqab and burqa within the context of information acquisition and response formation among Muslims and non-Muslims in the contemporary world. The paper argues that, against the backdrop of varied opinions on Islam and Muslims around the world, the debate on wearing burqa represents the continuation – albeit up-scaling – of the focus on Muslim women as the signifiers of Islam and Muslim identities. Australia is influenced by, and dealing with, the debate on whether or not to ban the burqa and niqab. Opinions among both the wider community and Muslims have differed on the justification and advisability of such a ban. The Australian government at the federal and state levels has demonstrated cautious activism in dealing with the issue, thus protecting the rights of Australian Muslim minorities, and reducing the space in which a heightened sense of exclusion could develop among them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Opposition to the burqa is widespread in Europe but not in the United States. What explains the difference? Focusing primarily on the French case and its Belgian facsimile, we seek to underscore the role of social theorists in legitimizing bans on the full veil. Ironically, this role has been largely disregarded by Anglophone theorists who write on the veil, and who often oppose its prohibition. This article suggests that Europe tends to be morerepressivetowards full veils because its political process is moreopento multiple theoretical representations of the phenomenon of veiling. Conversely, the United States is more open to the provocative display of religious symbols in public because the political process is pre-structured by legal conventions that tend to filter out social theory. The push to ban the burqa in France principally derives from its brand of republicanism rather than being a product of racism and Islamophobia. Of particular significance in the French case is the emphasis on reciprocity as a political principle, a principle that is elongated into an ideal of sociability by French theorists in different disciplines. The arguments of these theorists are described, their rationale is explained and the impact of their intervention on the policy process is documented. The French case, where the popular press and legislature play a major role in shaping policy towards the burqa, is contrasted with that of the United States, where the judiciary, defending religious freedom, remains the most influential collective actor. Each country has correspondingly different attitudes to democracy. In France, the mission of democracy is to extend political equality to the social realm whereas in the United States it is religion that is prioritized so as to protect that which is deemed most sacred to the individual. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Recent discussion in France surrounding the concept of mixité, or the free association of men and women in society—largely spurred by national discussions about French identity and the challenges posed by some immigrant groups advocating for a greater degree of gender separation in public spaces such as swimming pools and doctors’ offices—brings fresh relevance to Edith Wharton's 1919French Ways and Their Meaning. Wharton's decidedly Francophilic text proposes Frenchmixitéas a model for emulation in America, and suggests that a freer mingling of men and women in society will allow for greater cultural, intellectual, and artistic refinement generally. France, “the most grown up of the nations” according to Wharton, enjoys cultural superiority and a ripe, mature civilization largely due to its progressive views of the appropriateness of congenial relations between men and women. It is only in emulating the French model of gender relations by adopting a greater measure ofmixitéthat America can achieve maturity as a civilization and experience the full flowering of artistic and cultural life of which Wharton believes her capable. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Dislike among European publics for the Islamic full veil and the desire to ban it are often ascribed to nativist "Islamophobia." This article questions that assumption. It argues that, in political terms, the wearing of the burqa and niqab is inconsistent with Western norms of equality, the backbone of the citizenship ideal; and that, in social terms, the full veil erects a partition to interpersonal understanding and reciprocity. While the constitutional duty to protect religious freedom is a good argument in favor of tolerating the full veil, the practice of wearing it is at the edge of solidarity and injurious to the democratic public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the recent war in Afghanistan, the burqa has represented the oppression of the Taliban. It has acted as a site of intersection and contestation among discourses of beauty, freedom, women's rights, human rights and religion. This article explores the 2010 Afghan Parliamentary campaign of Farkhunda Zahra Naderi, who uses the symbol of the burqa rather than her own face on her campaign posters. Naderi's campaign represents a disruption of the purported essence of the burqa because it denaturalizes the garment, purporting to turn the little window into a ‘window of power’. Naderi removes herself from her position of power as an educated Afghan woman with access to many opportunities and instead places the spotlight on the faceless Afghan woman in the burqa, symbolizing that it could be any woman on that campaign poster; it could be any Afghan woman running for office. This is her goal: to enable any woman to be successful, in the burqa or not, able to make the choice not to wear the burqa, but also to make the choice to wear the burqa but not be subjugated as a result. In this way the notion that there is any essence to the burqa itself is disrupted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islam has become the second religion in a profoundly de-Christianized Europe that has seen its understanding of modern secularity harden. European countries have difficulties coming to terms with the presence of the large Muslim minorities who settled following post-war industrialization. France is a particularly instructive case, as highlighted by the legislative ban it introduced in 2010 on the wearing of full Islamic veils in public spaces. A close study of the rejection by the highest administrative court of an application for French citizenship on the basis of the applicant's ‘radical’ practice of Islam reveals a profound incomprehension of the significance of the Muslim faith for new generations (and, more broadly, of the phenomenon of Islamic neo-fundamentalism worldwide). Radicalized expressions of faith have been interpreted as being by definition synonymous with hostility to liberal modernity and thus directly linked with Islamist terrorism. Yet Islam has in fact given a sector of society marginalized for primarily socioeconomic reasons a positive identity facilitating social integration. Islamophobia, fostered by incomprehension of the subjective meaning of contemporary Islamic faith, has gained ground in French political discourse, a phenomenon mirrored in other European societies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This ethical research paper was prompted by the French government's recent action to ban the wearing of the burka by women of Islamic religious persuasion with legislature because the government regards the burka as a symbol of the inferiority of women in Muslim communities. According to president Sarkozy this symbol infringes on the fundamental human rights of women, and such a view of women should be renounced in the French Republic. Firstly, the article investigates the history and the meaning of wearing the burka and the veil. This investigation reveals that these symbols were cultural symbols that have no real bearing on gender inequality yet have become powerful religious symbols due to rising fundamentalism in the Islamic tradition Next, the article discusses the content and implications of two models of religious freedom: the active neutral model and the active plural model. Finally-with the active plural model as an angle of approach, and in view of the constitutional values of equality, freedom and the fundamental human rights of freedom of expression and freedom of religion-the investigation concludes that legislation against the wearing of these religious symbols violates the rights of Muslim women to wear the burka. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A cross between a bikini and a burqa, the BurqiniTM reworks a conventional symbol of Australian culture in terms consistent with Muslim modesty. In turn, the Burqini TM stakes a deeply ironic claim to one of the nation’s most revered sites: the beach. This article thus considers its significance in relation to two dominant stereotypes in recent Australian history: the ‘beach babe’, typically blonde, blue-eyed and bikinied; and a view of conservative Muslim culture that had taken shape in mainstream Australian media: as restrictive, regressive and misogynist. By appropriating the traditional bikini design for a contemporary Muslim clientele, the BurqiniTM is both a confronting cultural statement and a bold example of 21st century world fashion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, part of an evolving and large project, examines the relationship between clothing, freedom and choice, and specifically Islamic dress in shaping the identity of Dutch Muslim women after the Burka Ban that was voted into law on 1 August 2019 in the Netherlands. It discusses the debates before and after this date, as well as the background to the ban. A veil covering the face is a garment worn by some Muslim women to adhere to an interpretation of hijab (modest dress). It can be referred to as a burqa or niqab. In the aftermath of the Burka Ban that prompted considerable public alarm on the part of Muslim men and women, niqab-wearing women, as well as women who do not wear a veil, but are in solidarity with their niqabi sisters, raised a number of questions that form the basis for the analysis presented here: how do Dutch Muslim women shape their identity in a way that it is both Dutch and Muslim? Do they incorporate Dutch parameters into their Muslim identity, while at the same time weaving Islamic principles into their Dutch sense of self? The findings show how Islamic clothing can be mobilized by Dutch Muslim women to serve identity formation and personal (religious) choice in the Netherlands, where Islam is largely considered by the non-Muslim population to be a religion that is oppressive and discriminatory towards women. It is argued that in the context of being Dutch and Muslim, these women express their freedom of choice through clothing, thus pushing the limits of the archetypal Dutch identity and criticizing Dutch society while simultaneously stretching the meaning of Islam to craft their own identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]