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The article provides information on the development of the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) established by George W. Bush on February 6, 2007. AFRICOM was developed with the aim for peace and security for growing development challenges to education and health matters, economic growth and viable democratic institutions. In addition, AFRICOM remained under the supervision of the Central Command (CENTCOM) and had attained initial operating capability under European Command for operational unified command. African leaders have adapted the neo-imperialistic designs on the foreign policy options to checkmate the establishment of AFRICOM headquarters in Africa in order to relocate a full-fledged military command.

Argues that information professionals and scholars who depend on reliable government information must understand theoretical issues and policy implications. Implications of U.S. President George W. Bush's issuance of executive order removing the power from the archivist of the U.S. to authorize access to presidential records; Lawsuit against the Bush administration for violating the Presidential Records Act.

Copyright of Al-Mustansiriya Journal of Arts is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Presidents Bush, Obama, and Trump have all used the language of "victory" and "defeat" in the War on Terror despite its ambiguous outcomes. This paper develops the concept of a "victory trap" to explain this phenomenon and its political consequences. On the one hand, the electoral consequences of "losing" wars lead presidents to make claims about "winning" and eventual "victory." On the other hand, strategic realities and public reluctance to bear the costs of total victory result in policymakers facing criticism for being unable to produce results proportionate to their rhetoric. As such, whilst scholarship is clear on the effects of both "losing" and "winning" wars, this paper provides the first exploration of how these dual dynamics play out in practice. In arguing that policymakers are oftentimes politically "trapped," this paper suggests the limits of a range of scholarship on effective (foreign) policy-related messaging that points toward ambiguity or accuracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper first examines and discusses the most prominent rhetorical techniques used in some political speeches in the U.S. today. Then, it analyzes and compares the rhetorical techniques used in the UN speech given by then U.S. President George W. Bush on September 19, 2006, and the UN speech given by then Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez the following day. Moreover, it explores how the rhetorical theories apply in both speeches. While Bush relied heavily on the technique of ethos in his speech, Chávez tried to counter Bush in his speech by making maximum use of the power of logos, pathos and ethos. He did this to cover up that Venezuela is not as powerful as the U.S. with the power of his oratory. Apart from the content of the speech, the purpose of this paper is to deepen our understanding of English expressions further and to explore English expressions from a new perspective by clarifying the state of the oratorical battle that makes full use of skillful rhetorical techniques. This paper draws on an oral presentation, "Rhetorical Techniques in Two Opposing Political Speeches: The Use of Ethos, Logos, and Pathos," given at the 50th Annual Meeting of the Japan Society of English Usage and Style (JASEUS) on December 19, 2021, with additions and corrections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Culture, Language & Representation / Cultura, Lenguaje y Representación is the property of Universitat Jaume I and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the pragmatic functions of evidentiality categories in diplomatic discourse by illustrating a new classification of English evidentiality. It adopts a data-based approach by analyzing a corpus of thirty English political speeches from three US presidents (including Bush, Obama, and Trump). The results show that: (i) Evidentiality can be classified into three categories: personal sources; shared sources and other sources. (ii) Besides the function of (de)legitimation, evidentiality can also be used to normalize the speaker's ideology. (iii) Shared sources of evidentials reflect the speaker's ideological bias, because they encode the speaker's presupposition of authority, facts, or shared knowledge. (iv) Personal sources of evidentials mean that the speaker is more willing to take verbal responsibility. (v) Other sources of evidentials reflect the speaker's lower responsibility for the information he/she offered. (vi) The use of the three evidential sources reflects the speakers' different responsibilities for their propositions and reveals their subjective or intersubjective stance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on metaphorical construction of the "Us" and "Them" groups in the discourse of U.S. President George W. Bush in the period ranging from 9/11 to May 2003. Three metaphorical motifs drawn from the source domain of natural world that contributed to the construction of the dichotomous representation are analysed: metaphors of "hunt", "plant" and "growth". The aim of the paper is to explore social and political impact of metaphors and their function in the process of creating the dichotomy. The theoretical framework that is adopted in the process of analysis draws on Critical Metaphor Analysis (CMA) proposed by Charteris-Black (2004a, 2005, 2007, 2014). This approach to metaphor analysis focuses on the interpretation of metaphors in their social context and on the exploration of ideology in texts. The findings from the analysis imply that "natural world" metaphors were employed as discursive devices that effectively conveyed arguments for the involvement of the USA in military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to understand the dynamics of United States aid assistance to Pakistan in the light of post 9/11 security developments in the world. The analysis of US foreign policy aid instruments generally indicates three broad objectives: strategic/politico-security benefits, economic interests and humanitarian concerns. Although one consistently recurring theme in US foreign policy aid provision, both in the Cold War period and the newer post 2001 'War on Terror' period has been security. This theme has also defined US-Pakistan aid relationship in different times, with the exception of Bush administration, who unlike the Cold War period made an alteration by specifying funds for purpose-based usage in sub-fields. This paper argues that Bush administration sought to achieve US foreign policy objectives by providing strategic aid to Pakistan much at the expense of domestic public opinion. It further stresses that change in administration in the US brought obstacles in aid flows to Pakistan as President Obama not only reduced the amount of aid under specific heads, but also openly accused Pakistan of fomenting the militants (the good Taliban), which in turn hurt the US broader strategic goals in the region and raised irreconcilable issues of trust between the two countries. The new administration of Trump went a step ahead by suspending many of the aid programmes to Pakistan, bringing the all-time trust-deficit between the two countries to an all-time low. This paper primarily applies the realist and neo-realist theoretical framework to understand the aid and security relationship paradigm between the US and Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emerging literature shows that rising import exposure resulting from the China shock devastated U.S. manufacturing and contributed to the rise of Donald Trump. However, several studies found that these recent localized economic shocks did not negatively impact the tenure of incumbent politicians, and this outcome remains a puzzle. In this paper, we examine the partisan difference in congressional communication strategies on China and trade‐related issues. We propose a theory of China‐bashing to explain how members of Congress frame the negative impacts of trade to their voters. Using press release data from members of Congress, we show that, even though Chinese import competition impacted both Republican‐ and Democrat‐held districts, Republican politicians in adversely affected districts responded by increasing their anti‐China rhetoric, while there was no similar difference among Democrats. At the same time, there was no difference between Republican and Democratic messaging on general trade issues. In doing so, Republican legislators were able to support trade liberalization during the Bush and Obama administrations while blaming its negative externalities to their constituents on China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper estimates the effects of time-varying consumer preference bias on trade flows and welfare. We use a unique data set from the BBC World Service Poll, which surveys (annually during 2005–2017 with some gaps) the populations of a wide array of countries on their views of whether an evaluated country is having a mainly positive or negative influence in the world. We identify the effects on consumer preference parameters due to shifts in these country image perceptions and quantify their general equilibrium effects on bilateral exports and welfare (each time for an evaluated exporting country, holding the exporting country's own preference parameters constant). We consider five important shifts in country image: the George W. Bush effect, the Donald Trump effect, the Senkaku Islands Dispute effect, the Brexit effect, and the Good-Boy Canadian effect. We find that such changes in bilateral country image perceptions have quantitatively important trade and welfare effects. The negative impact of Donald Trump's "America First" campaign rhetoric on the U.S.'s country image might have cost the United States 4%–5% of its total exports and welfare gains from trade. In contrast, the consistent improvement of Canada's country image between 2010 and 2017 has amounted to more than 8% of its total welfare gains from trade. This paper was accepted by Matthew Shum, marketing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the creation of the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC). It specifically examines the significant influence of 9/11 on the origins and framing of an entirely new foreign aid organization. The paper argues that President Bush developed a very effective political frame, or justification, for the MCC within the context of 9/11 and the fear that it entailed. The paper evaluates chronologically Bush's efforts in formulating foreign aid and the MCC. It approaches the topic in a qualitative research manner, using mostly official government documents. It concludes with an overall assessment of Bush's successful approach to persuading the public and Congress to support the creation of the MCC on January 23, 2004. And, it makes recommendations for future research on the MCC and other issues that involve framing in policy making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comments on the foreign policy of George W. Bush in the U.S. Similarity of the Basic National Security Strategy paper issued by the Bush administration from those of its predecessors; Prevention of an action deemed harmful to U.S. policy; Imbalance between ideology and interest in the Bush White House.

This paper argues that the Trump administration's position on climate change should be understood more in terms of continuity than disjuncture. It develops this argument in four principal ways. First, it situates Trump in the US's paradoxical relationship to the UNFCCC, as a would-be leader that struggles to commit itself to substantive action, and the evolving geopolitics within the UNFCCC. Second, the paper focuses on an on-going struggle between pro-fossil fuel interests and a 'decarbonising' bloc, interpreting Trump (like George W. Bush) as a pro-fossil fuel backlash. Third, it explores the pattern of climate politics within the US, where stalemate in Congress has been often offset by action at the state, city, and corporate levels. Fourth, it should be understood in relation to the emergence of a 'global climate governance complex', where the UNFCCC has to be understood in relation to multilevel and transnational governance initiatives on climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports on the `discussion paper' sent by some physicist to United States President George W. Bush, urging changes in the Office of Science of the Department of Energy. Description on the Science Office; Problems identified with the Science Office; Discussion on the recommendations given.

The scholarly literature on US–UK relations has been marked by recurrent debate over the health and utility of the special relationship, recently enlivened by the policy tensions and political turbulence of the Trump presidency. The literature has also seen a social and cultural 'turn', with a growing focus on the broader linkages between the two countries' societies and cultures. However, there has been limited analysis of public opinion in Britain in recent scholarly research. This article examines the 'image of America' in British public opinion in the twenty-first century, across recent Republican and Democratic presidencies. It uses data from the annual Pew Global Attitudes survey series and Transatlantic Trends survey series to undertake systematic analysis of these quantitative data sources. It examines the following areas: the performance and policies of presidents from Bush to Biden, the US and its people, the state of bilateral relations, and NATO. It examines aggregate-level opinion and also pays close attention to views across different societal groups, based on demographic characteristics, party support and left–right ideology. The paper makes a significant and distinctive contribution to scholarly research into US–UK relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: In 1990, the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) was signed into law by President George H.W. Bush. This law was intended to prevent discrimination against people with disabilities (PWD) in employment, public accommodations, transportation and other areas of life. However, the degree of impact in these sectors has not been studied in tandem. Addressing these sectors together is the primary objective of this paper. Design/methodology/approach: Results are analyzed and presented regarding ADA impacts as well as which organizations provide advocacy services in support to PWD from survey data collected from 1,582 US participants in 2010 (N = 866) and 2015 (N = 716). Findings: Results suggest that the ADA has had a positive impact on PWD, yet this law favorably affects people of certain demographics more than others. Moreover, people with and without disabilities have differing opinions on the impact of the ADA, suggesting that what is conveyed to the public and the impact of the ADA on real-life outcomes of PWD are sometimes misaligned. Originality/value: The present study helps add to the current body of knowledge on the impact of the ADA by providing perspectives on advocacy services and impacts from a diverse set of PWD and their counterparts without disabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the post-metaphysical theology of Richard Kearney (1954–) from a Jewish theological perspective. It seeks to provide an original analysis of his project "anatheism," considering the prominence of Jewish texts in the development of the concept of anatheism. Rooted in deconstructionist and Continental philosophical discourses, Jewish hermeneutics also plays a central role in anatheism. This discursive intersection has received scarce scholarly attention to date. Biblical and other texts which he interprets, include the rabbinic exegesis of Rashi and of modern Jewish hermeneutical philosophy notably of Martin Buber, Franz Rosenzweig, and Emmanuel Levinas. I analyse elements of Kearney's interpretation primarily of the "Burning Bush" biblical narrative as a test case for anatheistic reading of Jewish texts as they appear in one particular text "I Am Who May Be" in The God Who May Be: A Hermeneutics of Religion (2001). Kearney's textual reading of the Burning Bush offers an unusual example of a Christian engagement with Jewish interpretations of the biblical parable as well as of Levinas, Derrida, and others. Kearney's effort highlights an approach of a mutual search for ways of interpreting texts not "of" the other, but "with" the other, in a mutual engagement of post-metaphysical theology. More broadly, this examination offers an important contribution to the developing field of post-metaphysical theology in the Jewish and Christian traditions, ultimately posing questions as to how and whether elements of Jewish scriptural interpretative techniques might or can imbue contemporary Christian post-metaphysical theologies. Conversely, the question can be asked as to what a Jewish version of anatheism might look like. This examination presents a test case for possibilities of reading and learning from discourses across different religions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses data from the 2004 pre-election survey of the American National Election Study to test empirically different ways of incorporating a valence parameter into a Downsian utility function. We call particular attention to the problem of interpersonal incomparability of responses to the liberal-conservative scale, and use Aldrich–McKelvey's pathbreaking method to obtain accurate distances between respondents and candidates, the key regressors. We find that the utility function the most supported by the empirical evidence, the intensity valence utility function, is the one which permits to make the better predictions for the 2004 presidential election. We also consider counterfactual analyses wherein we test if Bush, the candidate with the highest intensity valence, has dominant strategies which would have insured him to obtain a majority of the popular vote. According to the theory, it is known that the candidate with the highest intensity valence does not have such dominant strategies if the distribution of voters in the policy space is too heterogenous. Nevertheless, we show that the distribution of voters in 2004 is sufficiently homogenous for Bush to have dominant strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing narrative has arisen that antitrust regulators have systematically relaxed enforcement over time. This narrative has led to calls for reinvigorated enforcement and the passage of new tougher antitrust legislation. In this paper, we employ data drawn directly from the antitrust agencies to examine this claim. Data collected from 1979 to 2017 indicate that, contrary to the popular narrative, regulators have become more likely to challenge proposed mergers over time. Controlling for the number of merger proposals submitted to the agencies, the likelihood of a merger challenge has more than doubled over this period. After remaining relatively constant over previous administrations, merger enforcement intensity (MEI) rose in the G.W. Bush and even more so in the Obama administrations. The data also reveal that MEI is positively influenced by the agency budget size. Were historical enforcement tendencies to continue, a ten percent increase in the agencies' budgets would yield an eight percent increase in merger challenges. This finding suggests that, independent of any statutory changes to existing antitrust laws, variation in agency budgets provides a viable pathway to enhanced merger enforcement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]