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The aims are to identify the role of unions in intellectual, technological and physical education of the workers and examine the main motivations of Brazilian union centrals for proposing educational initiatives, according to the existing literature on the subject. The central arguments point out that the intellectual education initiatives provided by unions should seek primarily to demonstrate the importance of dialogue in the educational process rather than merely transmit knowledge. The technological education initiatives may take the form of courses, workshops and lectures promoted by such entities, which could predominantly aim at raising workers’ awareness of the notion of “social technology”. The physical education initiatives – many focused on sports practices and body awareness – could predominantly move away from hygienist projects, get closer to the promotion of physical and mental well-being not to improve the workers’ performance in the workplace, but their quality of life outside the workplace, and achieve greater social integration. The authors conclude that, in fact, the most important union centrals in Brazil sought educational initiatives as ways of garnering workers’ support for projects that served the capitalist interests.

The aim is to examine why the promise that education for creative economy could be the engine for socioeconomic development – present in the academic work on creative economy and the political discourse of some leaders and political parties – remains unfulfilled in Brazil. The central argument indicates that the promise was unfulfilled because the maintenance of rigid curricular guidelines in basic, secondary and higher education limits the development of skills and abilities to deal with the constant transformations of creative economy. The unfulfillment of this promise can also be explained by the fact that the financial crisis – motivated by the adverse international economic situation and the political chaos caused by allegations of corruption and misappropriation of funds by politicians and businessmen – made the Brazilian government reduce investments in research and the maintenance of public institutions. The private institutions of basic and secondary education which prepare students for creative economy charge high monthly fees, which is not affordable for the greatest part of Brazilian population, and the Brazilian state does not seem to work to extend this education model for other public and private schools. Many private universities also suffer from the limitation of student financing programs. The transdisciplinarity among the three knowledge pillars of creative economy – technical / scientific, cultural / creative and business pillars –, as well as the valuation of traditional knowledge and practices and the formation of critical thinking in the light of political-economic and socio-cultural dynamics, is being ruined in Brazil.

The aim is to examine the relations between solidarity economy and creative economy, as well as social technology and the principles for incubation in solidarity economy and creative economy in Brazil. The main argument indicates that one of the main linkages between solidarity economy and creative economy comes from the stimulus both economies can give to the idea of “social technology”, which disseminated the concern with the technological bases of a process that would enable the recovery of the citizenship of the most penalized segments, the interruption of the trajectory of social fragmentation and internal economic strangulation of the country and the construction of sustainable development. The incubation of solidarity-based and creative enterprises can be seen asa process connected to social technology, since the development of science and technology can be associated with workers. It can also bring opportunities for pedagogical acts of formation and knowledge building through the practical and educational process of organization of these enterprises and be a university’s extension practice, which expresses the bond of the academic community with society. The incubation of solidarity-based and creative enterprises can also be a part of development strategies for impoverished territories. However, it faces constraints, such as lack of resources and personnel.

The aim is to examine how the tasks and activities developed by students of the Professional Master’s Program in Creative Economy Management (MPGEC) at ESPM-Rio contributed to the cultural and financial sustainability of the Carioca Network of Samba Wheels (RS). The main argument indicates that, as RS may have a fundamental position in the generation of cultural and economic value with a great capacity to articulate with authorities and a strong legitimacy in the carioca samba system, MPGEC students worked to minimize weaknesses related to institutional communication, the relationship with people who attend the samba wheels and contracting parties, people management and strategic planning, as well as seize opportunities related to cultural tourism and face threats such as the growing bureaucracy and the strong opposition to samba wheels from showhouses. To contribute to the RS’s cultural and financial sustainability, MPGEC students focused on a strategy for professional management of artists’ careers to generate more income and jobs for the professionals in the samba wheels and the promotion of the samba culture in Rio de Janeiro. The students also proposed a better institutional presentation, with more robust mission, vision and values for the RS’s brand, and the implementation of a customer relationship management for the network to stimulate the loyalty of the people who attend the samba wheels with personalized products and the enhanced use of social networks to communicate with them. They also highlighted the need of a new organizational structure for RS to deal with more complex activities related to marketing, artistic management, events production and articulation with public authorities and local commercial establishments where the samba wheels take place.

The aim of the article is to examine the main causes of the crisis in private higher education in Brazil since 2015, characterized by the mass dismissals of teachers, the reduction of salaries of those who remain in private higher education institutions, the overcrowding of classrooms and the greater adhesion of students to distance education in the light of the high costs of classroom-based courses. In addition, one of the objectives is also to offer recommendations for overcoming this situation. The research follows the methodological steps of Sécca & Souza (2009) for the analysis of private higher education in Brazil. The bibliographic research consisted of reading, selecting and organizing topics on the general causes of the crisis of the private higher education sector in Brazil since 2016. The next step was the research of information on specific private higher education institutions in Brazil, divided per region: Southeast, South, Midwest and North / Northeast. The central argument points out that the crisis is closely related to the financial crisis in the country, motivated by the adverse international economic situation and the political chaos caused by allegations of corruption and misappropriation of funds by politicians and businessmen. This forced the Brazilian government to reduce and limit access to student financing contracts drastically from 2015 on, and most students from low-income classes were excluded from entering higher education or had to stop studying. Besides, in the light of a higher number of unemployed people and lower salaries, students were less able to afford the tuition fees of a higher education course at a private institution. To overcome difficulties and attract new students, private higher education institutions can rely on multiple strategies, such as scholarships, alternative financing, discounts for those who pay the current monthly fees and the creation of academic endowments.

The main purpose is to examine the possible role of artificial intelligence (AI) in the uncertain context of the 2020 municipal elections in Brazil. The central argument indicates that, regardless of when the elections are held, the COVID-19 pandemic opened spaces for candidates to build their political platforms on the initiatives to combat the disease, but also the opportunity for the dissemination of fake news and profiles regarding the spread of the new coronavirus and social distancing and quarantine measures with political purposes. The electoral discourse has increasingly used technologies and data such as voters’ concerns, preferences, and oppositions, collected on social networks through AI. New data-based technologies can give rise to an unreal, induced, forged public opinion, in the same way that they can bring greater possibilities of discernment to the voter. The situation requires a more robust regulation for AI, but there are still many unregulated aspects and obstacles for the implementation of an effective regulation of online activities in Brazil, such as the poor adaptation of the legal space to highly volatile phenomena.

The aim of this paper is to examine how innovation was implemented in the city of Rio de Janeiro, in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, regarding the “new normal” interactions, the urban space and the low touch economy. The main argument indicates that the use of new information and communication technologies to interact with others allowed people to develop social and emotional ties in the light of health precautions. Although many of these precautions were ignored by people using the urban space, some people made new uses of the open natural spaces in Rio de Janeiro to release anxiety and depressive feelings, but the city still faces problems regarding the privatization of public spaces. In the light of the development of the low touch economy, innovation was necessary for many companies to overcome obstacles such as broken relationships with customers, the instant drop in demand, the constraints in supply and production, the political instability and the cash-flow/financial constraints. These solutions included the improvement of the logistic process and alternative branding, the switch to a similar but digital/remote service and the creation of products for other needs of the existing clients.

Brazilian energy diplomacy intensified from 2003 to 2010. In this case, this intensification was related to the structure of more convergent preferences of Itamaraty—Brazil's Foreign Ministry—other related ministries, and agencies with foreign government preferences for engagement in energy security and/or integration. Co-extensive with these preferences were those of most Brazilian domestic actors on the diversification of the state's energy supplies, enhancement of access to markets or reserves, stimulus for sustainable production and use—mainly in developing states—and strengthening of strategic international partnerships—mostly with developed states—for training and the competitive insertion in the international market.

In May 2010, Brazil and Turkey—then non-permanent members of the UN Security Council—ventured into unchartered waters by brokering an agreement to deal with the controversial Iranian nuclear progra...

This article examines the positions held by Brazil under the administration of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (2003–present) on nuclear nonproliferation, arms control, and disarmament regimes and on contentious issues in those areas. Under Lula's government, Brazil has wanted to mediate between nuclear weapon and non-nuclear weapon states to consolidate its position as a strong negotiator and to benefit from the possible gains of this position in terms of greater participation in international institutions. It has also wanted to pressure nuclear weapon states to fulfill their disarmament obligations in order to reduce asymmetries in its relations with powerful nuclear weapon countries. At the same time, Brazil has tried to preserve its autonomy and flexibility to protect commercial secrets and preserve national security in relation to its own nuclear program.

The aim is to examine how male bodies are represented on a gay cruise website. The article focus on photographs in which such bodies appear on the official Atlantis Events website in ads for cruises organized by the company for the 2018 season. The central argument points out that the bodies are predominantly masculine and athletic and reproduce aesthetic patterns connected to strength and healthy physical condition, moving away from disparaging stigmas associated with gays and their negative connection to the female condition. The clothes and accessories used by these men and the portrayed situations and places point to a pattern of consumption allowed only to middle and upper class individuals, which ends up marginalizing, in the company’s communication, other members of the LGBT population who do not fit into such aesthetic and financial standards.

This report examines Brazil’s participation in international talks on Iranian nuclear activities. In the mediation of the fuel swap, Brazil tried to facilitate dialogue in order to allow the knowledge of each side’s experiences, build trust and minimize the level of tension and hostility between the parties through flexibility. Maybe now there is another opportunity to give intermediate countries such as Brazil a chance to participate in the discussions, because they could try to start a process of cooperation that would simultaneously meet Iranian legitimate needs and increase transparency on the controversial Iranian nuclear program.

Este artigo procura explicar por que os líderes dos EUA e da Rússia não implementaram total e efetivamente o plano de ação de treze pontos práticos para o desarmamento nuclear, estabelecido na Conferência de Revisão do Tratado de Não-Proliferação Nuclear em 2000. As decisões relacionadas aos treze pontos, tomadas pelos membros dos Executivos das duas maiores potências nucleares, são vistas como resultado da conciliação de imperativos internos e externos por esses indivíduos, que enfrentam oportunidades e dilemas estratégicos distintos simultaneamente nos âmbitos doméstico e internacional. São consideradas as escolhas políticas de membros dos Executivos nacionais e estrangeiros, Legislativos e principais grupos de interesse desses países, bem como a distribuição de poder sobre a formulação da decisão nacional, estabelecida pelas instituições políticas domésticas. As hipóteses apontam que os membros dos Executivos desses países - apoiados por grande parte dos membros dos Legislativos e dos principais grupos de interesse envolvidos, como as Forças Armadas - procuraram garantir autonomia para definir a estrutura e a composição de forças estratégicas e táticas, modernizar arsenais atômicos e operar uma força capaz de lidar com contingências que envolvam não apenas potências nucleares tradicionais, mas principalmente novos Estados detentores de armas de destruição em massa e organizações terroristas. This article aims to explain why U.S. and Russian leaders have not implemented totally and effectively the thirteen practical-step plan of action on nuclear disarmament agreed at the 2000 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference. The decisions with regard to the thirteen steps, taken by members of U.S. and Russian Executives, are seen as the result of the conciliation of internal and external imperatives by those individuals, who face distinctive strategic opportunities and dilemmas simultaneously at national and international levels. We will consider the policy choices of home and foreign Executives' members, legislators and members of the main interest groups within each country, as well as the distribution of decision-making powers by domestic political institutions. The hypotheses indicate that members of U.S. and Russian Executives - supported by a huge number of legislators and interest groups, such as Armed Forces - aim to preserve the ability to determine for themselves the structure and the composition of their strategic and tactical forces, modernize their nuclear arsenals and deploy a force to meet contingencies involving not only traditional nuclear powers, but specially rogue states and terrorist organizations.