Search

Objectives To identify predictors of portal hypertension, liver transplantation, and death in North American youth with alpha-1-antitrypsin (AAT) deficiency, and compare with patients with AAT deficiency elsewhere. Study design The Childhood Liver Disease Research Network Longitudinal Observational Study of Genetic Causes of Intrahepatic Cholestasis is a prospective, cohort study of pediatric cholestatic liver diseases, including AAT deficiency, enrolling PIZZ and PISZ subjects 0-25 years of age seen since November 2007 at 17 tertiary care centers in the US and Canada. Data from standard-of-care baseline and annual follow-up visits were recorded from medical records, history, physical examination, and laboratory studies. Participants with portal hypertension were identified based on data collected. Results We enrolled 350 participants (60% male) with a native liver; 278 (79%) entered the cohort without portal hypertension and 18 developed portal hypertension during follow-up. Thirty participants required liver transplantation; 2 patients died during 1077 person-years of follow-up. There was no difference in participants with or without preceding neonatal cholestasis progressing to transplantation or death during the study (12% vs 7%; P = .09), or in experiencing portal hypertension (28% vs 21%; P = .16); the hazard ratio for neonatal cholestasis leading to portal hypertension was P = .04. Development of portal hypertension was associated with a reduced height Z-score. Conclusions Portal hypertension in youth with AAT deficiency impacts growth measures. Progression to liver transplantation is slow and death is rare, but the risk of complications and severe liver disease progression persists throughout childhood. A history of neonatal cholestasis is a weak predictor of severe disease.

Understanding the dynamic nature of sex work is important for explaining the course of HIV epidemics. While health and development interventions targeting sex workers may alter the dynamics of the sex trade in particular localities, little has been done to explore how large-scale social and structural changes, such as economic recessions–outside of the bounds of organizational intervention–may reconfigure social norms and attitudes with regards to sex work. Zimbabwe’s economic collapse in 2009, following a period (2000–2009) of economic decline, within a declining HIV epidemic, provides a unique opportunity to study community perceptions of the impact of socio-economic upheaval on the sex trade. We conducted focus group discussions with 122 community members in rural eastern Zimbabwe in January-February 2009. Groups were homogeneous by gender and occupation and included female sex workers, married women, and men who frequented bars. The focus groups elicited discussion around changes (comparing contemporaneous circumstances in 2009 to their memories of circumstances in 2000) in the demand for, and supply of, paid sex, and how sex workers and clients adapted to these changes, and with what implications for their health and well-being. Transcripts were thematically analyzed. The analysis revealed how changing economic conditions, combined with an increased awareness and fear of HIV–changing norms and local attitudes toward sex work–had altered the demand for commercial sex. In response, sex work dispersed from the bars into the wider community, requiring female sex workers to employ different tactics to attract clients. Hyperinflation meant that sex workers had to accept new forms of payment, including sex-on-credit and commodities. Further impacting the demand for commercial sex work was a poverty-driven increase in transactional sex. The economic upheaval in Zimbabwe effectively reorganized the market for sex by reducing previously dominant forms of commercial sex, while simultaneously providing new opportunities for women to exchange sex in less formal and more risky transactions. Efforts to measure and respond to the contribution of sex work to HIV transmission need to guard against unduly static definitions and consider the changing socioeconomic context and how this can cause shifts in behavior.

Cliches are abroad in the land, far too many of them. On the public side there are cliches like "The product is worse than ever before," "Students don't write enough," and "Teachers, especially English teachers, are unapproachable." On the professional side there are other cliches, "The public is more interested in lower taxes than in quality education," and "The public can't understand our goals and programs." Classroom teachers at all levels are fond of saying, "Nobody understands what it's like day after day in the trenches," yet classroom teachers too often leave public relations to the very peopleadministrators-whom they suspect and accuse of not understanding their students, their teaching situations, their materials, and their goals. Why do we classroom teachers keep silent and fail to take public relations into our own hands? We say we are too busy trying to survive, or we find tomorrow's lesson much more fascinating than the letter we know we should write to a parent, an editor, or a legislator, or we are afraid we aren't articulate enough to be clear. So we rationalize, procrastinate, and become even more frustrated. And there we