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This study aims to reveal empirically the extent to which Islamic economics contributes to Indonesia's economic equality. This study uses zakat distribution indicators and financing of Islamic banks as an instrument of income distribution in Islamic economics; GINI coefficients are indicators for measuring income inequality and using panel data with a cross-section of 12 provinces in Indonesia the 2011-2016 period. This study found that the distribution of zakat has a negative effect on income inequality and Islamic bank financing has a positive effect on income inequality.

Determining the level of income inequality requires the adoption of a specific measurement methodology. The aim of the study was to review and discuss the methodologies used to measure income inequality. Four measures are presented, each based on different assumptions. These measures were the Gini coefficient, Theil coefficient, Kukuła coefficient and unevenness coefficient. The first three measures, and in particular the Gini coefficient, are commonly described in the literature, while the unevenness coefficient is the author’s proposal for measuring income inequality. The empirical material for the research consists of data on the distribution of disposable income by decile groups in households in Poland for the years 2005–2017. The most important issue in practice regarding the measurement of income inequality was the transfer principle. Depending on the methodology adopted, the transfer of income is treated differently. The Gini, Theil and Kukula coefficients respond to any change in the income distribution, while the unevenness coefficient only to changes above the average. In a situation where the Gini coefficient (Theil and Kukula) decreases (increases), the level of inequality decreases (increases), but it is not known which transfers led to such a result. The decreasing (growing) unevenness coefficient means that these were transfers from groups with shares in income above (below) the average for groups with shares below (above) the average.

Does regional income inequality affect a household’s likelihood of being indebted? This question is addressed by using survey data on Italian households. The analysis shows that inequality in the regional income distribution has a negative effect on the probability of being indebted. In addition, richer households living in regions with greater income inequality have a greater likelihood of being indebted than similarly rich households residing in regions with low income inequality (and vice versa for poorer households). The study suggests that supply factors are more important than demand factors in explaining this result. These findings are consistent with the latest survey-based evidence drawn from US data which suggests that banks may use local income inequality and a household’s position in the income distribution to make inferences about an applicant’s underlying default risk. These results hold after controlling for socio-demographic differences, different types of debt, unobserved household heterogeneity using panel data and a number of robustness checks.

This paper will setup a trade model to explore the impact of the diversity of talent distribution and the technology difference on the pattern of trade (POT) and income inequality of an economy. We find that not only the diversity effect but also the technology effect can matter for the pattern of POT. We demonstrate that, in the free-trade equilibrium, if the technology effect dominates the diversity effect then the country with a more (less) diverse distribution of talent may export the goods produced by a technology with supermodularity (submodularity). In addition, we prove that the relative technology difference will affect income inequality. If the technological advance for the submodular sector S is better than for the supermodular sector C, then income inequality would increase.

In times of economic crisis, most countries face the dual challenge of fighting unemployment while restraining social expenditures and closing budget deficits. The spending cuts and lack of employment affect a large number of decisions that have a direct or indirect impact on health. This impact is likely to be unevenly distributed among different groups within the population, and therefore not only health levels may be at risk, but also their distribution. The main purpose of this paper is to explore links between unemployment, economic growth, inequality, and health. We regress a measure of health, the Health Human Development Index (HHDI), against a set of explanatory variables accounting for the countries' economic performance (GDP growth, unemployment, and income inequality), and some institutional factors related to welfare spending and the nature of the health systems for the past three decades. In addition, we explore the causes for different results obtained using an inequality-adjusted HHDI, vs. the unadjusted HHDI. We describe a panel data model, estimated by random effects, for 32 countries from 1980-2010, in five-year intervals. Our conclusion is that the high economic growth observed in the last decades, together with an increase in the levels of income inequality and/or poverty, explain the observed changes of our index, particularly when this indicator is weighted by health inequality. The remaining institutional variables (the share of social spending, health care expenditure, and the type of health systems) show the expected sign but are not statistically significant. A comment on the methodological pitfalls of the approach completes the analysis. © 2014 by the authors; licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland.

Given increases in income inequality across rich democracies since the 1980s, we expect public opinion to favor a stronger social policy role of the state as a corrective measure. A basic theory of democracy suggests that public opinion and redistributive social policies are reciprocally causal, therefore, lack of negative public reaction suggests that the public are satisfied with increasing inequality if their preferences did not help it grow in the first place. Theories of welfare state institutions and different trajectories of inequality suggest that the link between opinion and inequality depends on context. Drawing on theories of attitude formation, we use predictive modeling adjusting for the causes of public support for social policy to (a) test for public responsiveness to inequality; and (b) compare how this differs by institutional context. Our analyses use ISSP and WID data between 1980 and 2006. In liberal contexts where inequality expanded monumentally since the 1970s (mostly English-speaking countries), increasing inequality predicts higher support for state provision of social policy. In the coordinated and universalist contexts of Europe, increasing inequality predicts less support for state provision of social policy. The results suggest that the public in liberal societies – which had higher levels of inequality to begin with – reach their limits of inequality, reacting negatively; whereas in coordinated and universalist societies – starting out with comparatively lower inequality levels – they move positively with inequality, suggesting welcome cuts to the redistributive social welfare state.

The People's Republic of China (PRC) has achieved significant improvements in educational attainment levels since the market-oriented reforms began almost four decades ago. However, there are still educational gaps among different groups and education inequality remains an issue. Addressing urban disparities remains a pertinent matter in optimizing China's transition towards a knowledge-driven economy. This paper investigates education inequality in urban China, using subgroup and regression-based decompositions of inequality of educational attainment, to evaluate whether the determinants to urban education inequality are similar within and across regions. Using the urban datasets from the China Household Income Project surveys for 2013, education inequality was measured for up to 100 cities from 14 provinces. The results reveal heterogeneity in educational attainment, education inequality, and the determinants of education inequality in urban China. Regression-based decompositions of education inequality revealed that the determinants of education inequality are not homogeneous between and within regions and provinces. While the type of middle school and National Higher Education Entrance Examination scores are predominantly among the largest contributors, the size and order of their contributions vary among different regions, provinces and age cohorts. Other major contributing factors varied from parents' occupation to parent's education and parental employment type. The results imply that since cities aren't homogeneous, therefore, they have different contributing factors towards education inequality. The results suggest that location-specific policy targets and priorities may produce more favorable outcomes in reducing education inequality.

This paper investigates the relationship between the capital share in national income and personal income inequality over the long run. Using a new historical cross-country database on capital shares in 19 countries and data from the World Wealth and Income Database, we find strong long-run links between the aggregate role of capital in the economy and the size distribution of income. Over time, this dependence varies; it was strong both before the Second World War and in the early interwar era, but has grown to its highest levels in the period since 1980. The correlation is particularly strong in Anglo-Saxon and Nordic countries, in the very top of the distribution and when we only consider top capital incomes. Replacing top income shares with a broader measure of inequality (Gini coefficient), the positive relationship remains but becomes somewhat weaker.

Struggles with inequality have been prominent in the Middle East and North Africa in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. This paper examines the extent and drivers of inequality of opportunity in attaining higher education in Egypt, Jordan, and Tunisia. We find that inequality is similarly high in Egypt and Tunisia, but moderate in Jordan. Background characteristics affect attainment even after accounting for test scores, which are themselves influenced by background. Particularly in Egypt and Tunisia, where higher education is free of charge, public spending on higher education is regressive. Thus, a theoretically meritocratic and equitable system perpetuates inequality.

We explore the relationship between natural disasters and income inequality in Sri Lanka as the first study of this nature for the country. The analysis uses a unique panel data set constructed for the purpose of this paper. It contains district inequality measures based on household income reported in six waves of the Household Income and Expenditure Survey of Sri Lanka during the period between 1990 and 2013, data on disaster affected population and other economic and social indicators. Employing a panel fixed effects estimator, we find that contemporaneous natural disasters and their immediate lags significantly and substantially decrease inequality in per adult equivalent household income as measured by the Theil index. Findings are robust across various inequality metrics, sub-samples and alternative estimators such as Ordinary Least Squares and System GMM. However, natural disasters do not affect household expenditure inequality. Either households behave as if they have a permanent income or all households reduce their expenditure proportionately irrespective of their income level in responding to natural disasters. Natural disasters decrease non-seasonal agricultural and non-agricultural income inequality but increase seasonal agricultural income inequality. Income of richer households is mainly derived from non-agricultural sources such as manufacturing and business activities and non-seasonal agricultural activities. Poorer households have a higher share of agricultural income.

This paper examines the predictive power of a partisan conflict on income inequality. Our study contributes to the existing literature by using the newly introduced nonparametric causality-in-quantile testing approach to examine how political polarization in the United States affects several measures of income inequality and distribution overtime. The study uses annual time-series data between the periods 1917–2013. We find evidence in support of a dynamic causal relationship between partisan conflict and income inequality, except at the upper end of the quantiles. Our empirical findings suggest that a reduction in partisan conflict will lead to a reduction in our measures of income inequality, but this requires that inequality is not exceptionally high.

This paper studies the relationship between income distribution and international integration in a canonical trade setting with one change. In the standard model prices are solely a function of (constant) marginal costs and (constant) elasticities, implying that information on individual incomes are of no value to a firm. To allow a more realistic role for consumer level information, a firm's strategy space is expanded to include non-linear prices. Now profit maximizing firms use information on income distribution to design a product for each income class and set prices to induce each group to optimally select the appropriate option. Equilibrium involves designs below the first best for low income groups and above the first best for high income groups – welfare differences are more exaggerated than income differences. When countries with differing income distributions integrate this has implications for the size of these distortions, influencing the gains from trade both within and across countries. These implications are quantified and shown to be potentially significant factors affecting welfare outcomes from integration – with the consequences more pronounced at lower trade costs. The structure of trade and expenditure patterns that emerge also match a range of empirical findings. These results are driven by firm strategy based on income difference alone as preferences are assumed to be identical and homothetic across countries, placing the distribution of income at the center of the analysis.

The present paper shows the results of an empirical study to prove that income inequality has increased over the past decades. To conduct the study, an income inequality dataset containing 133 countries over the 1990-2014 period was created. The results indicate that globally, income inequality (population-weighted Gini coefficients), on average, increased from 38.6 to 41.8 during that period. They further show the existence of variations in the level of income inequality across regions and groups of countries. The reduction in income inequality, among others, remains one of the key challenges associated with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Therefore, in this paper, various transmission mechanisms and drivers of the increasing level of income inequality are identified and possible forward-looking development policies to reduce income inequality are given.

This paper examines how the relative shares of public and private health expenditures impact income inequality. We study a two period overlapping generation's growth model in which longevity is determined by both private and public health expenditure and human capital is the engine of growth. Increased investment in health, reduces mortality, raises return to education and affects income inequality. In such a framework we show that the cross-section earnings inequality is non-decreasing in the private share of health expenditure. We test this prediction empirically using a variable that proxies for the relative intensity of investments (private versus public) using vaccination data from the National Sample Survey Organization for 76 regions in India in the year 1986–87. We link this with region-specific expenditure inequality data for the period 1987–2012. Our empirical findings, though focused on a specific health investment (vaccines), suggest that an increase in the share of the privately provided health care results in higher inequality.

As countries develop the percentage of population living in urban areas tends to increase. As this happens, inequality is expected first to increase and then to decline in what is known as the Kuznets inverted-U. But the literature has not paid much attention to differences in the absolute size of cities potentially affecting economy-wide inequality. Building on insights from the urban economics literature, this paper studies the relationship between the size and distribution of cities and income inequality at country level. Results show that beyond Kuznets’ hypothesis there is a U-shaped relationship between average city size and inequality; inequality first falls and then increases with average city size. This result is robust to a long list of controls, different estimation techniques, and identification strategies.

Recently, income inequality has been rising in many parts of the world. This is creating some serious concerns among policymakers, as higher levels of income inequality can lead to various social ills. However, little is known about the role of historical factors in explaining the current level of inequality. I use the model of Durlauf (1996) as reference to create an econometric model to estimate this impact. Using current and historical data of US states, I find that illiteracy rate in 1920 has a strong positive influence on current level of inequality. The simulation results show that eliminating illiteracy in 1920 would have reduced contemporaneous inequality by 1-5 percent. Higher illiteracy indicates a lower level of human capital, and that can affect income distribution. Through the intergenerational transmission of income, this income distribution is exacerbated in the future, leading to higher levels of inequality.

There has been an increasing interest in the level and change in income inequality across much of the developed world. In Australia, this research has extended our knowledge by using new measures (for example wealth), longer time periods, and income inequality dynamics. One area for which we have relatively little recent evidence is on the spatial distribution of income inequality, especially at small areas of geography. Specifically, we look at the level of income inequality for the eight Australian capital cities in 2006 and 2011 (using relevant Census and survey data), as well as inequality between and within suburbs within those capital cities. A number of interesting findings emerge from the analysis. The most obvious finding is that there are differences across cities in the extent to which income is unevenly distributed. While this has been demonstrated in previous research, we were able to use new data and new techniques to show that the type of income which one uses has a small but noticeable effect on the spatial distribution of inequality. Differences in household sizes and the tax system change how income inequality is spatially distributed.

International audience; This article combines tax, survey, and national accounts data to estimate the distribution of national income in the United States since 1913. Our distributional national accounts capture 100% of national income, allowing us to compute growth rates for each quantile of the income distribution consistent with macroeconomic growth. We estimate the distribution of both pretax and posttax income, making it possible to provide a comprehensive view of how government redistribution affects inequality. Average pretax real national income per adult has increased 60% from 1980 to 2014, but we find that it has stagnated for the bottom 50% of the distribution at about $16,000 a year. The pretax income of the middle class—adults between the median and the 90th percentile—has grown 40% since 1980, faster than what tax and survey data suggest, due in particular to the rise of tax-exempt fringe benefits. Income has boomed at the top. The upsurge of top incomes was first a labor income phenomenon but has mostly been a capital income phenomenon since 2000. The government has offset only a small fraction of the increase in inequality. The reduction of the gender gap in earnings has mitigated the increase in inequality among adults, but the share of women falls steeply as one moves up the labor income distribution, and is only 11% in the top 0.1% in 2014.

Scholars have studied the relationship between inward foreign direct investment (FDI) and within-country income inequality in cross-national contexts, but have not empirically investigated how FDI in different sectors might affect inequality in different ways. We use error correction models to analyze sectoral FDI data compiled from UNCTAD investment reports in 60 middle-income countries from 1989 to 2010, arguing that FDI in services is more likely to be associated with inequality than FDI in other sectors. We argue that skill biases and changes in employment patterns associated with service sector investments can help explain these findings.

The study examines the effects of declining forest resources on income inequality and poverty among indigenous people and the impact of forest-related income supplements. We conducted surveys and u...

Previous research shows that when changes in national commodity and income tax rates affect labor supply decisions differently, relative rates can be altered to increase welfare. In the U.S., 40 states impose both a sales and income tax; however, the reliance varies widely. This paper uses a computable general equilibrium model to examine tax policy changes in Colorado. The findings suggest that the revenue neutral changes to income and sales tax rates can affect both the level of economic activity and the distribution of income. When labor force participation is highly sensitive to income tax rate changes—which this paper suggests is the case—progressive changes to Colorado's tax policy changes can both reduce inequality and increase output and employment.

While most Americans appear to acknowledge the large gap between the rich and the poor in the United States, it is not clear whether the public is aware of recent changes in income inequality. Even though economic inequality has grown substantially in recent decades, studies have shown that the public's perception of growing income disparities has remained mostly unchanged since the 1980s. This research offers an alternative approach to evaluating how public perceptions of inequality are developed. Centrally, it conceptualizes the public's response to growing economic disparities by applying theories of macro-political behavior and place-based contextual effects to the formation of aggregate perceptions about income inequality. It is argued that most of the public relies on basic information about the economy to form attitudes about inequality and that geographic context—in this case, the American states—plays a role in how views of income disparities are produced. A new measure of state perceptions of growing economic inequality over a 25-year period is used to examine whether the public is responsive to objective changes in economic inequality. Time-series cross-sectional analyses suggest that the public's perceptions of growing inequality are largely influenced by objective state economic indicators and state political ideology. This research has implications for how knowledgeable the public is of disparities between the rich and the poor, whether state context influences attitudes about inequality, and what role the public will have in determining how expanding income differences are addressed through government policy.

The UK has experienced a dramatic increase in earnings and income inequality over the past four decades. We use detailed micro level information to construct quarterly historical measures of inequality from 1969 to 2012. We investigate whether monetary policy shocks played a role in explaining this increase in inequality. We find that contractionary monetary policy shocks lead to an increase in earnings, income and consumption inequality and contribute to their fluctuation. The response of income and consumption at different quantiles suggests that contractionary policy has a larger negative effect on low income households and those that consume the least when compared to those at the top of the distribution. Our evidence also suggests that the policy of quantitative easing may have contributed to the increase in inequality over the Great Recession.

We provide the first systematic comparison of UK inequality estimates derived from tax data (World Wealth and Income Database) and household survey data (the Households Below Average Income (HBAI) subfile of the Family Resources Survey). We document by how much existing survey data underestimate top income shares relative to tax data. Exploiting the flexibility access to unit-record survey data provide, we then derive new top-incomeadjusted data. These data enable us to: better track tax-data-estimated top income shares; change the definitions of income, income-sharing unit, and unit of analysis used and thereby undertake more comparable cross-national comparisons (we provide a UK-US illustration); and examine UK inequality levels and trends using four summary indices. Our estimates reveal a greater rise in the inequality of equivalized gross household income among all persons between the mid-1990s and late-2000s than shown by the corresponding HBAI series, especially between 2004/05 and 2007/08.

Objective This article tests how income inequality mediates and moderates the relationship between racial diversity and social capital. We posit that racial diversity leads to higher levels of income equality, which reduces social capital. We also hypothesize that racial diversity has a stronger negative effect on social capital in places with high levels of income inequality (a compounding effect). Methods Drawing upon data from U.S. counties, we test these models using a series of regression models. Results Diversity and income inequality have negative effects on social capital. There is also evidence of both mediating and moderating effects. Income inequality partially mediates the negative relationship between diversity and social capital. As income inequality increases, the negative relationship between diversity and social capital decreases. Furthermore, we find that population growth moderates these relationships. Conclusion The relationship among social capital, income inequality, and diversity is complex. Although the direct effect is negative, there is some evidence for key mediating and moderating effects. More conceptual and empirical work is needed to assess the relationship between these concepts.

This paper builds a general-equilibrium model with three sectors to study the effects of several modern-agricultural factor price subsidy policies on the income inequality between skilled a...

Was the Euro-Mediterranean region at the time of the Roman Empire and its Western successor states more unequal than the European Union today? We use some scant evidence on personal income distribution within the Empire and differences in average regional incomes to conclude that the Empire was more homogeneous, in terms of regional incomes, than today's EU, and inter-personal inequality was low. Moreover, income inequality was likely less around year 700 than in Augustus's time. The latter finding contrasts with a view of rising inequality as the Western Roman Empire dissolved.

The rewards people receive are often taken as indirect evidence of their merit. We outline an argument that addresses how the magnitude of macrolevel income inequalities affects perceptions of the distribution of merit in a society. We propose that higher levels of economic inequality will lead to perceptions of greater differences in merit such that societies with higher inequality will be characterized by a larger “merit gap,” namely, larger differences in the perceived merit of the rich and poor. We test these arguments using an online experiment that manipulated the level of inequality (high vs. low) in an anonymized society. Participants perceived a larger merit gap in high versus low inequality societies. Our arguments and findings have implications for attitudes about inequality and redistributive policies.

ABSTARCTThe findings on education expansion and income inequality have important implications for policymakers to implement effective policies to reduce income inequality. This study attempts to explain how education expansion affects income inequality by education distribution and the rate of return to education. We decompose the effect of education expansion on wage gaps into price effect and structure effect. We compare the income inequality from 2002 to 2013 using the Chinese Household Income Project (CHIP) 2002 and CHIP2013 survey data and employ FFL decomposition method. Our findings suggest that income inequality increased in 2013 and that income inequality among the high-income groups increased even more significantly. The structure effect of education expansion on income inequality is negative, when average education increases one year, the income gap between 80th and 20th will decrease 1.2%, in other words, education expansion decreases income inequality by allowing a wide range of individuals t...

The paper explores a number of ways in which environmental quality can be represented by indicators within empirical attempts to look for a relationship between environmental performance, income and income inequality. A total of 16 environmental performance indicators were selected where data were available at the national scale (180 countries), all of which were components of the Environmental Performance Index (EPI) published in early 2016, and included as dependent variables with income/capita (GDP/capita) and distribution of income (Gini coefficient) spanning nearly 20 years as independent variables. Data were analysed using Principal Components Regression. The results generate a rather complex picture whereby some of the EPI component indicators, notably those in the Environmental Health’ category, have a relationship with income and income distribution while others, especially those centred on ‘Ecosystem Vitality’ do not. The paper provides some of the first published evidence for a relationship between environmental performance and income distribution and discusses some of the possible causal factors.

Growing inequality has heightened awareness of those at the top of the income and wealth distributions, and researchers are beginning to acknowledge the need for a way to identify top households that simultaneously accounts for their income and net worth. We contribute to the literatures on top income and wealth households by introducing a measure of top status that includes a larger number of affluent households and that explicitly accounts for the interrelationship between income and wealth. Our innovation is to start with both income and wealth holders and to divide the top into three groups: those who are top income only, those who are top net worth only, and those who are at the top of both distributions (the double one percent). Our results show that the top three groups are unique financially and demographically in ways that inform understanding of inequality and the processes that lead to membership in top income and wealth positions. Perhaps most importantly, our results identify those who are merely elite and those who occupy even more exclusive, or super elite, positions at the top of both the income and wealth distributions.

The central objective of our article is to empirically examine the relationship between financial development and income inequality. Theoretically, there are grounds for both a positive and negative relationship between the two variables. Our main finding is that financial development contributes to lower inequality up to a point, but as financial development proceeds further, it contributes to higher inequality. We also find that when the ratio of primary schooling to total schooling increases and law and order improves, financial development becomes more effective in reducing inequality. Finally, we find that financial inclusion is particularly effective in lowering income inequality.

This research uses nationally representative data to study how economic resources and inequalities are associated with life satisfaction of Chinese residents. We construct economic resource and inequality measures from expenditure rather than from income, after confirming that expenditure inequality is a better measure in the Chinese context. We find that economic inequalities in general are negatively associated with life satisfaction, and that this association is larger for inequalities in the lower half of the distribution than those in the upper half of the distribution. We further explore the mechanisms under which inequality can be associated with life satisfaction, and find that aspiration is potentially one important channel.

When exploring the political response of citizens to economic inequality, scholarship primarily focuses on support for left parties and demand for redistribution. This article expands upon this literature by exploring whether inequality generates public support for a known inequality-attenuating force in society—labor unions. In contrast to prior work, which largely focuses on national levels of inequality, we focus on the effect of citizens’ firsthand exposure to inequality in their local context. We theorize that residing in a context with visible income inequality should generate support for expanding the power of unions and should do so by augmenting the perceived exigency of unions in advocating for the working class. Using observational analysis of national survey data, reinforced with matching, placebo tests, and a survey experiment, we find strong support for our theoretical expectations.

Using income from nationally representative household surveys and district as the lowest level of aggregation, we examine the role of spatial factors in determining income inequality in India. In both rural and urban India, we find that within-district income differences account for majority of the income inequality in 2011. Moreover, between-state income differences are more important in explaining between-district inequality in rural India. In contrast, in urban areas it is the within-state income differences that play a more important role in explaining the between-district inequality. We find significantly smaller level of inequality but similar trends using the consumption expenditure. Finally, using data for 1993 and 2011, we find that although majority of the income inequality in rural India is explained by within-district income difference in both years, over time the share of between-district differences has increased and they account for a third of the total increase in rural income inequality between 1993 and 2011.

The aim of this paper is to test whether income inequality contributes to environmental degradation in China and India, where both countries are giving a great concern about the implications of their unsustainable energy consumption to the environment not only to themselves but also to the global environmental sustainability. By applying the bounds test approach to cointegration we found in both countries a long-run but not a statistically significant relationship between income inequality and CO 2 emissions both in the long-run and in the short-run. The robustness of our cointegration results is also ascertained by using three different long-run tests. Furthermore, applying the variance decomposition analysis to examine the dynamic causal relationship between the Gini coefficient of income distribution and CO 2 emissions, we found that income inequality was the least important factor in determining CO 2 emissions and that there was no causality running in any direction between CO 2 emissions and income inequality in both countries. Still income and energy consumption are the major determinants of CO 2 emissions in both countries. Nevertheless, even though the evidence is not statistically significant, in the case of China it indicates that reducing income inequality can have a positive impact on environmental quality, while in India redistributing income to improve environmental degradation may not be effective.

Using the Korea Labor and Income Panel Study from 1998 to 2010, we measure income mobility and determinants of income ranks and mobility. Empirical outcomes reveal that income mobility is quite limited for both the poorest and the richest income households. Moreover, a macro economic shock had heterogeneous impacts on each income group and the low-income class was highly vulnerable to it. Given the long-lasting impacts of early stage factors and initial endowment on income, this paper calls for policies to support citizens suffering from illness, family breakdown, poor initial conditions, and aging.

This paper analyses the effects of monetary policy on inequality over the business cycle via its impacts on returns on assets, the cost of debt servicing, and asset prices in selected advanced economies. Monetary policy easing has a priori ambiguous effects on income and net wealth inequality via financial channels. Effects depend in a complex way on the relative size and distributions of assets, liabilities, and income. In practice, these effects are estimated to be small. A house price increase generally reduces net wealth inequality, while the opposite is true for increases in stock and bond prices. As monetary policy has the potential to affect inequality, monetary authorities face communication challenges. The available research on interactions between monetary policy and inequality does not justify targeting inequality by central banks.

Recent literature on income distribution in Mexico has found evidence of underestimation in inequality. There is a growing consensus that household surveys in Mexico do not capture total household income, but there is no consensus on a methodological proposal to estimate a more-realistic distribution. This article offers a proposal for adjusting household income, crossing information from household surveys, national accounts, economic censuses, and tax incidence from the Tax Administration System. It shows evidence of a high, persistent income-distribution inequality, with emphasis on factorial and intracompany inequality. The usual adjustment implies that entire average income increases, but this article identifies the main cause of underestimation in distribution, focusing on noncaptured capital income in the wealthiest households surveyed.

Globalization has quickened, especially during the past three decades, due to technological, institutional, legal and political developments in the world. During this process, many countries reduced or removed the barriers on the cross-country flows of goods, services and capital, and the global trade volume increased substantially. Therefore, openness-oriented policies have led many social and economic implications for the national economies. In this regard, this study investigates the interaction among trade openness, poverty alleviation and inequality in 11 Latin American countries by employing a panel data analysis. We revealed that trade openness and financial development affected inequality and poverty negatively in the long term, while inequality affected poverty positively.

In this paper we show that the Dutch disease can arise solely from inequality in the distribution of natural resource rents. Given two otherwise identical countries that differ only in the ownership shares of the natural resource rents, the country with the less equal distribution will have less production of manufacturing goods and less development of learning-by-doing in this sector. As opposed to conventional models, where income distribution has no effect on economic outcomes, an unequal distribution of the resource wealth can generate the Dutch disease dynamics even in countries with an initial comparative advantage in manufacturing. We also provide a range of empirical tests of our model, including both difference and system GMM estimators in a dynamic panel. To disentangle the effects of inequality and institutional quality we purge our inequality measure of any linear or higher order correlations with institutional quality and repeat our system and difference GMM estimations. Our empirical analysis supports the hypothesis that inequality indeed plays a significant role in whether being resource-rich is a blessing or a curse for a country. The more unequal is the distribution of natural resource rents, the stronger is the disease.

The paper analyzes the distributional effects of social transfers in Bulgaria in the period 2000-2014, using income inequality decomposition by factor components. The results suggest that social transfers mitigate income inequality, but this effect varies depending on the type of transfer. Pensions exert the strongest influence due to their significant share in total income, which also rises over time. Family allowances are pro-poor in nature, but because of their small share in beneficiaries’ total income, their impact on overall inequality is much weaker. “Other social benefits” have the weakest inequality-reducing effect, which is due to their higher concentration towards the richest decile and increasing share in total income. Despite the inequality-decreasing impact of social transfers, we argue that they should not be regarded as the sole remedy for the sharp income disparities in the country, but need to be accompanied by relevant active labor market policies.

This study investigates the relationship between U.S. state-level CO 2 emissions and two measures of income inequality: the income share of the top 10% and the Gini coefficient. Each of the inequality measures, which focus on unique characteristics of income distributions, is used to evaluate the arguments of different analytical approaches. Results of the longitudinal analysis for the 1997 to 2012 period indicate that state-level emissions are positively associated with the income share of the top 10%, while the effect of the Gini coefficient on emissions is non-significant. The statistically significant relationship between CO 2 emissions and the concentration of income among the top 10% is consistent with analytical approaches that focus on political economy dynamics and Veblen effects, which highlight the potential political and economic power and emulative influence of the wealthy. The null effect of the Gini coefficient is generally inconsistent with the marginal propensity to emit approach, which posits that when incomes become more equally distributed, the poor will increase their consumption of energy and other carbon-intensive products as they move into the middle class.

Although many are under the impression that income inequality in Hong Kong has been continually on the rise, the picture presented by official statistics is mixed. This article suggests that official statistics, due to limitations in their design, have underestimated the impact of the top earners. Utilising taxation data, a continuous and strong growth in inequality can be identified when the distribution among taxpayers is considered, providing an alternative picture of inequality in Hong Kong. It is argued that the surge in income inequality is driven in part by the rich earning more rather than by more people becoming rich. The Hong Kong government, instead of adopting redistributive measures to alleviate the situation, has exacerbated inequality through policy choices that strongly favour the richest group. Although these actions might be explained in relation to the political influence wielded by the business sector and the upper class, the social implications of inequality cannot be neglecte...

This paper produces comparable estimates of multidimensional inequality for the U.S., Germany, and Australia. Two alternative approaches with differing interpretations are employed. The first method projects all facets of welfare onto a single variable which is then analyzed using standard univariate techniques. The second approach establishes equivalent-income distributions that would lead to an equalization of welfare, such that the difference between this counterfactual and the true income distribution can be measured. This difference is then interpreted as the degree of income redistribution required to offset welfare inequality. Using data on permanent incomes, health scores, years of education, and leisure times, we observe much higher levels of inequality in the U.S. than in Germany or Australia. Our results are highly statistically significant and hold over a large variety of weighting specifications.

This article presents a national measure of Americans’ level of concern about economic inequality from 1966 to 2015, and analyzes the relationship between this construct and public support for government intervention in the economy. Current research argues that concerns about economic inequality are associated with a desire for increased government action, but this relationship has only been formally tested using cross-sectional analyses. I first use a form of dynamic factor analysis to develop a measure of national concern over time. Using an error correction model I then show that an increase in national concern about economic inequality does not lead to a subsequent increase in support for government intervention in the economy. Instead there is some evidence that, once confounding factors are accounted for, an increase in concern could lead to reduced support for government intervention.

We present a study of the distribution of the gross personal income and income inequality in Romania, using individual tax income data, and both non-parametric and parametric methods. Comparing with official results based on household budget surveys (the Family Budgets Survey and the EU-SILC data), we find that the latter underestimate the income share of the high income region, and the overall income inequality. A parametric study shows that the income distribution is well described by an exponential distribution in the low and middle incomes region, and by a Pareto distribution in the high income region with Pareto coefficient α = 2.53 . We note an anomaly in the distribution in the low incomes region ( ∼ 9,250 RON), and present a model which explains it in terms of partial income reporting.

The incidence of income inequality belongs to the core of poverty, food insecurity, malnutrition, starvation and a few hundreds of other socioeconomic problems or may be said the socioeconomic hazards. Present-day researches within the domain of socioeconomic sciences are focused to develop the ‘tools and techniques’ of demarcating the areas having a degree of vulnerability to a particular socioeconomic hazard and to examine the internal functions of the interactive variables associated with the process. The distribution of income inequality, spatially or temporally, can be expressed not by the per-capita income only but through combining the distribution of workforce, accompanied with the assorted income level within the working population; and, based on this algorithm, the present paper proposes an indicator of income inequality. The response of the indicator is validated by analyzing its synchronization with the renowned Kuznets inequality distribution model. Then, the mapping of income inequality is done for the district of Purulia, utilizing the validated indicator on GIS platform.

Most analyses explain the increase in China's overall inequality during the reform period principally by means of the expansion of urban-rural income gap. This paper tries to state a relationship between functional distribution of income and China's Gini index. After presenting the main theoretical contributions that clarify the general relationship among those variables, we describe the mechanism that has connected them during the last decades in the Chinese economy. There exists a link between falling wage share, rising urban households' top incomes, urban-rural income gap and the Gini coefficient. These relationships are analysed for both the pre and post-crisis periods. After estimating the main relationships, the paper ends with a discussion on the ability of potential redistributive policies to reverse this pattern of inequality.