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The article considers the literary and stylistic peculiarities of Neo-Latin poetry in seventeenth to eighteenth-century Ukraine. Latin poetry of that time is marked by variability and diversity of genres, for it logically continued the classical traditions and at the same time was influenced by the aesthetics and poetics of the Baroque due to the interlingual contacts. The Latin language was supposed to be the main criterion of the high style in a poetry. As for the genre peculiarities, Neo-Latin poetry tended to panegyrics as the literature "fashion" of that epoch, when the poets expressed their gratitude and admiration to the philanthropists, whereas the elegic poems were the part of poetic courses to illustrate the genre. It explains the freedom and fantazy which are present in panegyric poetry and classical canon which served for writing elegies. The period of the seventeenth to the eighteenth century was an absolutely disparate one in both the political and social life of Ukraine. Rapid development of events, dramatically changing realia and values shaped very special attitudes to life with the contemporaries, in particular with Kyiv intellectual poets who wrote a significant number of works in Latin. Analysis of these works enables to characterize the development of the Latin language in Ukraine and consider Neo-Latin poetry of Ukraine as a part of the Western European literary and language unity.

This paper focusses on colour terminology as a tool for achieving ἐνάργεια (pictorial vividness) in the Latin poetry of the first century c.e. After briefly outlining the developments in the concept of ἐνάργεια from Aristotle to Quintilian, the paper considers the use of Latin terms for black in three descriptive passages from Statius’ epic poem, the Thebaid. It is observed that the poet privileges the juxtaposition of the two adjectives ater and niger in a pattern of uariatio, where ater often carries a figurative meaning and repeats established poetic clichés, while niger is part of unparalleled collocations that evoke a material notion of blackness. Further analysis of the uariatio in the context of each passage reveals that the juxtaposition of the two-colour terms enhances the vividness of the objects described not only by increasing their chromatic impact but also by establishing connections with other parts of the poem, and by inviting a reflection on the competing practices of imitation and transgression of poetic models. The analysis of one stylistic feature (the use of colour terms in uariatio) shows that this stylistic feature is used by Statius for achieving ἐνάργεια as an artistic effect, for reflecting on ἐνάργεια as an instrument through which poetic models are challenged, and for tying his own poetic practice to contemporary rhetorical discussions.

In this article, twelve new emendations are offered on the text of Lucretius’ De Rerum Natura. At 1.454 non tactus is proposed for the unparalleled intactus; at 2.99 et partim is suggested for the awkward pars etiam; at 2.258 quomque (late-Republican cumque) is advanced for quemque; at 2.615 the metrically problematic inuenti sint is altered to inueniantur; at 2.733 the unique use of nigrant is dispensed with by reading the expected nigra sunt; at 3.267 et tamen is made more naturally adversarial as at tamen; at 3.774 ne fessa is altered to the more Lucretian defessa (reading ne for et earlier in the line); at 4.160 the unusual feminine celer (his) is altered to (his) celeris; at 4.306 (331) the difficult gerund insinuando is changed to the gerundive insinuandis; at 4.318 (343) multisque is replaced with the more idiomatic multoque; at 5.323 the stark phrase deminui debet recreari is reordered as debet deminui et recreari; finally, at 6.266 uementes is read for the otiose uenientes. The discussion proceeds on the basis of the universally accepted stemma, namely that the three Carolingian manuscripts (O, Q, S) are the sole manuscripts with textual authority. The more than fifty surviving Renaissance manuscripts ultimately derive from O, but they remain a fertile source for conjectures.

This essay presents a preliminary overview of the presence of, and engagement with, Italian neo-Latin poetry in a large corpus of English manuscript sources dating from between c.1550 and c.1720 an...

Arma uirumque cano… ‘Je chante les armes et l'homme …’ ainsi commence l’Énéide, ainsi devrait commencer toute poésie.It is far from an overstatement to make the claim that in the surviving corpus of Latin poetry no phrase is more immediately identifiable than the pronouncement of the Virgilian narrator on the ‘arms and the man’ of his subject matter. The presence ofarma uirumquein a particular formation cannot fail to put us in mind of theAeneidand its concomitant ideological associations. A consequence of the epic's centrality as a canonical text was the emergence in antiquity ofarma uirumqueas a synecdochic quotation for the work as a whole and, as such, for the figure of the poet himself. This transformation was further actuated by the ancient practice of ascribing titular authority to a poem's incipit, ensuring that arms and the man took on especial resonance. Even within theAeneid, self-referential intratextual play with the Virgilian utterance can be detected. Furthermore, in post-Augustan verse, Fowler argues thatarmaalone is always loaded in a metaliterary fashion, serving as an identifying marker for Virgil's epic or, more broadly, for epic in general. This was so marked a phenomenon that the opening word of the poem was recycled and reworked by Ovid around a decade after the compositional beginnings of theAeneid, in the first book of theAmores, in what formed an announcement of the redeployment of epicarmainto the elegiac world ofmilitia amoris(Am. 1.1–2).

In Renaissance philosophy, the term fabula is often used to mean a poetic or fantastic tale that conceals the truth beneath metaphorical language. This article will focus on a rather different concept of fabula found in Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola’s works. To the younger Pico, the entire tradition of Greek and Latin poetry is a fabula: that is, a false and immoral narration inspired by demons. In the first part of this article, I will trace the origin of this use of fabula to the early Christian apologists. I will argue that Gianfrancesco’s intention was to build on this idea through an interpretation of ancient thought that differed from the historiographical model of prisca theologia proposed by Marsilio Ficino and Giovanni Pico. In the second part, I will show the close relationship, in Gianfrancesco’s philosophy, between fabula and imaginatio., Dans la philosophie de la Renaissance, le terme fabula est souvent employé pour désigner un conte poétique ou fantastique qui dissimule la vérité sous un langage métaphorique. Cet article examinera une définition assez différente de la fabula, telle qu’on la retrouve dans les oeuvres de Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola. Pour le jeune Pico, toute la tradition poétique gréco-latine est une fabula: c’est-à-dire une narration fausse et immorale inspirée par les démons. La première partie de cet article retracera l’origine de cette acception de la fabula aux premiers apologistes chrétiens. Je soutiendrai que l’intention de Gianfrancesco était de poursuivre l’oeuvre des apologistes en livrant une interprétation de la pensée antique qui se distinguait nettement du modèle historiographique de la prisca theologia proposé par Marsilio Ficino et Giovanni Pico. Dans la deuxième partie, je m’intéresserai aux rapports étroits entre fabula et imaginatio dans la philosophie de Gianfrancesco.

Hunters of acrostics have had little luck with Horace. Despite his manifest love of complex wordplay, virtuoso metrical tricks and even alphabet games, acrostics seem largely absent from Horace's poetry. The few that have been sniffed out in recent years are, with one notable exception, either fractured and incomplete—the postulatedPINN-inCarm.4.2.1–4 (pinnis?Pindarus?)—or disappointingly low-stakes; suggestions of acrostics are largely confined to theOdesalone. Besides diverging from the long-standing Roman obsession with literary acrostics, Horace's apparent lack of interest is especially surprising given that Virgil, his contemporary, friend and ‘poetic pace-maker’, was at the time conducting what seems to be a systematic adaptation of Hellenistic acrostic-poetics into Latin poetry.

In seventh-century Wiltshire, a scholar-monk began to write classicising Latin poetry. In bold terms he describes himself as the first of the Germanic peoples to write Latin poetry (‘neminem nostrae stirpis prosapia genitum et Germanicae gentis cunabulis confotum in huiuscemodi negotio [i.e. poetry] ante nostram mediocritatem tantopere desudasse’). His programmatic statements cite Virgil explicitly, and allude to Prudentius and Sedulius. His is a poetry that sets out a stall for the beginning of something new, but does so by making clear his predecessors. For Aldhelm, as for much of the Middle Ages, the canonical models of Latin poetry included classical Latin authors as well as the Christian Latin poets of Late Antiquity.

Die lateinische Poesie des Laurent de Premierfait. Französischer Frühhumanismus in mittelalterlicher Tradition? Because of his translations (Boccaccio, Cicero, Aristotle) as well as his commentaries on ancient classics (Statius and Terence), Laurent de Premierfait (1360/1370-1418) is considered one of the most important representatives of early French humanism. His own Latin poetry, however, which has survived only to a small extent, has barely been studied. The present article provides the first critical edition as well as a literary-historical classification and evaluation of the surviving poems. In this context, the main question concerns the medieval and humanist traditions that Laurent’s poetry follows.

This chapter looks at the use of allegory by two contemporary poets of late antiquity, Claudian and Paulinus of Nola. Allegory has a history going back to the beginnings of ancient literature and of ancient literary criticism, but it becomes increasingly dominant as a literary and doctrinal mode in late antiquity. The chapter asks two questions: firstly, how is the allegorical practices of two poets writing in the early fifth century ad to be understood in relation to the reception of earlier Latin poetry; and, secondly, what joins, and what separates, the uses of allegory by poets writing on non-Christian subjects (here Claudian) and poets writing from within a Christian world view (here Paulinus). The chosen texts are the verse Praefatio to Claudian’s Panegyric on the Sixth Consulship of Honorius, in which Claudian relates an allegorical dream about the composition of imperial panegyric in the setting of the architecture of Olympus and of Rome, and two of Paulinus’ Natalicia for St. Felix, in which buildings both sacred and secular, and paintings adorning sacred buildings, are subjected to spiritual and moral allegorization.

This paper offers an analysis of an early prose translation of a Latin panegyrical poem into Russian. The poem, “In lavdem Lvdovici XIII” was written by Peter / Petrus / Pierre Valens in 1623 or earlier. It was included in the book “Maneige Royal”, first published in 1623 under the name of A. de Pluvinel, who was the riding teacher of the young King Louis XIII. The book was translated into Russian in 1670, albeit not from the original French edition, but from the German version in the bilingual edition “Maneige Royal / Konigliche Reitschul”, published in Braunschweig, 1626. The book's Russian title is a verbatim translation of the German one, “Korolevskaia ezdnaia shkola”. The translation is known from two copies: RNB, F.XI.1 (Saint Petersburg), and as one of the texts in the Codex AD 10 (Vasteras, Sweden). Our analysis leads to the conclusion that both the translation itself and the two copies most probably were made at the Ambassadorial Chancery (Posol'skii prikaz). The translation of the Latin panegyrical poem shows that the translator understood the Latin text quite well, although it contains a few isolated errors. At the same time, some of these mistakes might have been the result of misprints in the German original, or they may have been caused by the copyist who produced the fair copy. It seems very likely that the translation of the Latin poem (as well as of the entire book) was made by the translator Ivan Tiazhkogorskii, who knew all three languages used in the book (German, Latin, and French). Although Tiazhkogorskii for the most part translated texts from his native language, German, he was able to make decent translations also from Latin and French; however, historical, political and above all mythological allusions caused a few difficulties. DOI: 10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.13

A systematic examination of the testimonia for the earliest forms of literature in Italy and to see whether certain basic anxieties about the sources might in the end lead to a clearer understanding of how Greeks and Romans had set about describing the prehistory of Latin literature. When Roman antiquaries and grammarians turned to Greek models to describe their own literary prehistory, that suggests not natural indolence or cultural subservience, but sources either hopelessly confused and intractable or altogether wanting.

[No abstract available] Peer reviewed 2021-09-07

The twenty-eight papers delivered at a symposium entitled “Music in the Time of Vergil”, sponsored by the Vergilian Society in June 2016, suggest a number of areas where promising research can continue to be done in the field of Roman music. These include the Realien of Roman music, the role of musical imagery in Latin poetry, Greek elements in Roman music, Roman attitudes to music and musical change, musical responses to political developments, and the influence of Rome on the music of the modern world.

This paper deals with a neglected subgenre of biblical poetry, namely with epic poems on the life of the Blessed Virgin. After an introduction into the poetic treatment of Mary in early modern latin poetry in general, one single epic poem is discussed in detail, the Mariados libri tres of the Italian-German scholar Giulio Cesare Delfini. As it will be demonstrated, Delfini’s poem included long explanations of medico-theological problems, like the digestion of the Divine Virgin or her intellectual skills, which the poet treated in addition in separate glosses. As result the poem presents itself as hybrid between didactic and epic poetry. In addition the study contains as an Appendix a list of (approximately) all accessible Latin poems, written between 1550 and 1650, on the incarnation and birth of Christ.

Among the personal hobbies which Horace recommends his young friend Lollius conduct at a discreet distance from hispotens amicusis the re-enactment of the battle of Actium, which should only be undertaken in the privacy of his father’s estate. Critics have noted that the potential offence in this seemingly affirmative celebration of the ‘miracle of Actium’ lies in the casting of Lollius’ brother as his opponent, thus acknowledging the civil nature of the battle which was at least downplayed, if not elided, in official discourse. They have overlooked, however, the further subversive element in Horace’s reference to ‘whichever of the two (alterutrum)’ Victory crowns. This presents the counterfactual possibility, both in theEpistleand in thenaumachiawhich serves as a parallel mimesis, that Antony might have won the battle of Actium. This instance of ‘sideshadowing’ demands to be set in a number of contexts, such as the use of counterfactuals in historiographical depictions of battles and the phenomenon whereby some publicnaumachiaehad outcomes contrary to that of the historical battle they were re-enacting. In particular, the very possibility of an Antonian victory renders the Augustan principate contingent, in opposition to the providential, teleological inevitability with which it, and especially its foundational battle, were depicted elsewhere in Augustan poetry. Such an interpretation is supported by Lucan’s allusion to this passage in his Dyrrachium episode, the only other non-Lucretian instance ofalterutrumin extant Latin poetry.

Polish singing for the Feast of Corpus Christi contained in the cantional of Jagodynski (edition 1638, 1695) count 13 works, including 7 which are translations of Latin poetry, formed most probably at the end of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries; and 6 is the fruit of the work of contemporary poets and composers. The translations were modeled on the poetic structure of Latin texts, although not always fully; while the songs of Polish provenance were included by the authors in a way that fits in the general tendencies of the poetics structure of this period. We notice here mostly the songs with 4-verse stanzas and 7-, 6- and 2-verses. The stanzas binding factor is even rhyme, paroxytonic, perfect rhyme, and occasionally alternating rhyme.

The demonstrated Greek origins of Latin terms of allusion lead one to consider also a possibly Hellenistic background for the common figure of memory as signal of literary reference in Latin poetry. Tracing the models for terms of literary reminiscence in Republican and Augustan poetry to Callimachus and Apollonius in particular, this article demonstrates that memory as trope for literary allusion occurs in Hellenistic poetry, wherein several features and varieties of it anticipate later imitations. Focalized by the narrator as well as by internal characters, the trope of literary remembrance is employed in Hellenistic poetry to effect complex intertextual relations. The article concludes with two examples from Greek and Latin poetry of late antiquity that demonstrate the longevity of the device.

The contemporary Afrikaans poet Charl-Pierre Naudé is one of the most promising voices in South African poetry today. Following two award-winning Afrikaans collections, Naudé s debut collection in English, Against the Light (2007), demonstrates learned intertexual references to classical literature, particularly the Roman poets Horace and Catullus. These Latin poets become competing models for Naudé’s own poetics, either passionate and personal, or political and pastoral. In post-apartheid South Africa, after a period of dramatic social change, ultimately Catullus offers himself as the more compelling poetic model for this South African writer.Keywords: Latin poetry, South African poetry, Classical Reception Studies, intertextuality.

In two of his songs (421.1 and 421.2) the troubadour Rigaut de Berbezilh aspires to sing in response to a voice that is bestial yet somehow metaphysical. Scholars have attributed these animal images to the influence of the Physiologus, but Rigaut’s likeliest source in that tradition has not yet been identified. This article proposes to fill that lacuna by contending that the bestiary redaction closest to Rigaut’s imagery is the Physiologus Theobaldi, a verse text that unlike other bestiaries was used to teach Latin poetry and even song. In both the Physiologus Theobaldi and (though in a different way) Rigaut’s songs, animals’ breath and voice are identified with life and spirit, an identification that places these works within the wider medieval context of natural philosophical interest in pneuma. Whereas Theobaldus allegorizes his beasts in the third person, Rigaut’s first-person lyrics assume their voice, breath, life or spirit as potentially his own. He thereby opens his songs to a being that is not human. No longer anthropocentric, they enact a hybridity that we find elsewhere associated with revelation and apocalypse. The horizon of human history that opens (in Heidegger’s sense) the world of human language is thereby in turn opened up to that which it closes off, and the demarcations by which humanity defines itself are suspended.

This chapter analyses the linguistic ingenuity of Marvell’s Latin poetry, in which, it is argued, a pseudo-Lucretian sensitivity to the parallelism between the structure of Latin words and the structure of the world coexists with a linguistic methodology that approximates the Marinesque. Etymological play and bilingual punning enables the neo-Latin poetic text to serve both as a microcosm of the literary contexts in which these devices are employed, and as a reinvention of the artifice, extravagant conceits, and baroque wit of Marinism. The result is a neo-Latin ‘echoing song’ that is both intra- and intertextual. Through bilingual punning and phonological wit Marvell plays with a classical language only to demonstrate its transformative potential. The chapter concludes by discussing the labyrinthine punning and sense of displacement in Hortus in relation to the garden sections of Marino’s L’Adone, in which an extravagantly luscious setting ultimately confounds the senses.

This chapter presents an important study of Sappho in the context of her Roman reception with regard to ancient literary theory. As in Chapter 2, also by Richard Hunter, a metaliterary pair of concepts appears central, but this time it is the pair of γλαφυρά‎ (‘smooth’) versus αὐστηρά‎ (‘harsh’, ‘rough’, ‘bitter’) that is at the centre of attention. The chapter shows how this pair helps to understand Sappho and how she was perceived in ancient Rome. While gauging various concepts of ancient literary style, this chapter explores passages from Hellenistic and Roman literary critics and poets, all against the background of a number of Sapphic fragments.

The main aim of this article is to understand how Augustus is written into life in the story-world of Propertius. It traces the development of the character in the story-world over time with due regard to the parallel historical narratives that were told about the historical Augustus. The investigation proceeds from a content analysis of the incidence of references (overt and oblique) to Augustus Caesar in the extant text of Propertius. This approach assumes that quantitative data, that is, frequency of incidence, spatial or temporal dimensions of incidence and the location of a reference in the broader context, are important indicators of meaning. The investigation presents its content analysis and the interpretation of this analysis. The investigation also relies to a certain extent on narratological analytical concepts, because Augustus is written into life by the Propertian text as a character which exists, to a certain extent at least, in a narrative. The investigation concludes that Augustus is not a fully developed character in the Propertian texts. Nevertheless, Augustus is revealed to be a distant ruler mostly associated with military authority and wealth; at some instances, he is regarded as a messianic figure, which is also present in other poets. Most notably, the content analysis reveals a consistent engagement between the speaker in the Propertian poems and the power wielded by Augustus.

Part I of this two-part study argues that Aratus’s decision to base his LEPTĒ acrostic, which occurs during a discussion of moonlight (Phaen. 783-87), on Homer’s LEUKĒ acrostic (Il. 24.1-5) was motivated by the connection in Homer between the adjective λeυκός and various types of light from the sky, including the light of dawn, which appears shortly after the acrostic (Il. 24.12), and the light of the moon (Il. 23.455). In Part II, I will argue that a study of the reception of Aratus’s acrostic in Greek and Latin poetry reveals that many ancient poets solved the “riddle” of how Aratus’s acrostic relates to Homer’s.

Part I of this study argued that Aratus’s decision to base his LEPTĒ acrostic, which occurs during a discussion of moonlight (Phaen. 783-87), on Homer’s LEUKĒ acrostic (Il. 24.1-5) was motivated by the connection in Homer between the adjective λeυκός and various types of light from the sky, including the light of dawn, which appears shortly after the acrostic (Il. 24.12), and the light of the moon (Il. 23.455). In Part II, I argue that a study of the reception of Aratus’s acrostic in Greek and Latin poetry reveals that many ancient poets solved the “riddle” of how Aratus’s acrostic relates to Homer’s.

This paper will see Bjarni Kolbeinsson as a representative of the new kind of skaldic poetry that had developed around the turn of the thirteenth century. By then, formal skaldic poetry had become an art form cultivated by men who had received schooling and clerical ordination. Skalds such as Bjarni had turned their attention from the praise of kings of the present or the near past towards subjects of the more distant past and religious themes. In Jómsvíkingadrápa, Bjarni brushed aside the Odinic mead hailed by former skalds and preferred to apply techniques of poetic composition that he had learned through the formal study of Latin poetry. A tongue-in-cheek rejection of the traditional exordial topoi and a sensibility for love poetry allowed him to compose a poem that not only rejected the past but also pointed towards the future.

A construção e sugestão de imagens, tenham elas o grau de vivacidade da écfrase ou não, são recursos profusamente utilizados em quase toda a poesia latina, por conseguinte, nem mesmo Tibulo, em sua propalada concisão e simplicidade, poderia ter descurado elaborar “quadros de palavras” e cenas verbais que estabelecessem, colaborassem ou ampliassem a poeticidade de seus poemas, afinal, a prisca ideia enunciada por Simônides de que “poesia é pintura falante e pintura é poesia muda” parece ter sido corrente na Antiguidade Clássica, e o ut pictura poesis horaciano é talvez seu mais memorável e célebre reflexo. Notável é também como a essa percepção de escritores antigos homologam-se de modo aparentemente perfeito muitas codificações modernas da mesma questão: para a semiótica greimasiana, por exemplo, signos figurativos são transportáveis e traduzíveis por qualquer língua natural, porque é apanágio desse – e apenas desse – sistema semiótico codificar todos os demais, e, além disso, eles são categorias abstratas universais, um fato que facilita e habilita a passagem de um sistema a outro. Há que se convir, entretanto, em que a pintura de imagens verbais em poesia é mais um expediente de que lança mão o poeta para criar homologias entre expressão e conteúdo, destinadas a lograr o efeito de permanência da mensagem poética, pela concentração de sentido em investimentos lexicais justos e concisos, ideia que encontra respaldo e consecutividade na de que “nenhum poema jamais é escrito exclusivamente para contar uma história” (“No poem is ever written for its story line’s sake only […]”, Brodsky 1986, 47). Este texto propõe, por isso, fazer a leitura de certas passagens daquelas elegias tibulianas em que predomina a construção de imagens, a fim de investigar seu caráter poético, ou seja, verificar como o plano verbal lhes confere certos efeitos de realidade, como concretude, contraste, etc.

DESPITE HIS REPUTATION as a classical scholar, Friedrich Schlegel's novel, Lucinde (1799), has been interpreted from the time of its publication as advocating and displaying an anticlassical aesthetic. While some of its detractors focused on the scandal of the novel's autobiographical connections and its flouting of bourgeois sexual morality,1 Friedrich Schiller's reaction, expressed in a letter to Goethe, is typical in basing its condemnation of Lucinde on the novel's failure to adhere to certain aesthetic principles that were frequently associated with classical antiquity during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries:2Nach den Rodomontaden von Griechheit, und nach der Zeit, die Schlegel auf das Studium derselben gewendet, hatte ich gehofft, doch ein klein wenig an die Simplicitat und Naivetat der Alten erinnert zu werden; aber diese Schrift ist der Gipfel moderner Unform und Unnatur, man glaubt ein Gemengsel aus Woldemar, aus Sternbald, und aus einem frechen franzosischen Roman zu lesen. (letter of July 19, 1799)[After all of Schlegel's boasting about his study of Greek and after all the time he spent on it, I would have hoped to find some trace of the simplicity and naivety of the ancients; but this writing is the pinnacle of modern formlessness and unnaturalness; it seems to be a mixture of Woldemar, Sternbald, and a provocative French novel.3]Schiller associates a classically influenced aesthetic with "Simplicitat und Naivitat" (simplicity and naivety), in accord with the view of antiquity expressed in his essay "Uber naive und sentimentalische Dichtung" (On Naive and Sentimental Poetry).4 His letter also echoes Winckelmann's attribution of "eine edle Einfalt, und eine stille Grose" (noble simplicity and quiet grandeur) to Greek art.5 For Schiller, a work such as Lucinde that embraces chaos, fragmentation, and change cannot be classical; rather, he associates the mixing of genres advocated and practiced by Schlegel with a modernity that he considers to be grotesque.Later critics have tended to adhere to Schiller's descriptive categorization of antiquity and modernity, even if they do not accept his aesthetic judgment of Lucinde, and they tend to emphasize the novel's modern aesthetic orientation-for example,its affinity with experimental novels of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, such as Cervantes's Don Quixote and Sterne's Tristram Shandy, which play with temporal structure and defy readers' expectations of coherent plot and character.6 Certainly, Lucinde situates itself in this modern, experimental tradition. I will argue, however, that Schlegel perceives aesthetic innovation and experimentation not as a rupture with the past but as extending back to classical antiquity; indeed, Lucinde derives many of its structuring aesthetic principles from classical sources. Some of these sources, such as Plato7 and the classical idyll,8 have been examined by previous critics. One of Schlegel's most important influences, however, remains unexplored by past and present criticism. Rather than Greek art, philosophy, and literature, Schlegel's aesthetic foundation for Lucinde is to be found in Latin literature, in particular Ovid's Amores and Metamorphoses.In his Gesprach uber die Poesie (Dialogue on Poetry, 1800), in the section "Epochen der Dichtkunst" (Eras of Poetic Art), Schlegel appears to share the assessment of Winckelmann and his followers that Latin literature (Virgil) is inferior to ancient Greek literature (Homer).9 Any literature following that of ancient Greece is a pale imitation of "jenem hochsten Olymp der Poesie" (Winckelmann 143; that highest Olympus of poetry) according to Schlegel's fictional speaker Andrea (Schlegel KA 2:5). Intriguingly, though, this section offers an assessment of Latin poetry that connects it to Schlegel's own work. In Latin literature, "das Erotische und Gelehrte" (144; the erotic and the erudite) dominate. This sounds very much like Schlegel's Lucinde, which attempts to combine eroticism with intellect to create a new philosophy of love and a new aesthetic. …

Taking as a starting point Housman’s note on Man. 4.780 (Cyrenes lacrimis radicis Scorpios acris), the article analyses a stylistic device of Latin poetry, namely the repetition (consonance) of final -s within the same line. The analysis is based on the collection of all the cases of lines which have words, or all words except one, ending in -s, in both early and classical Latin poetry, the stylistic and linguistic features of which are discussed. A split between early texts and classical texts is observed: in early Latin texts consonance of -s is generally concomitant with asyndetic accumulation of similar words (cf. e.g. Enn. Ann. inc. 498 S. flentes plorantes lacrumantes obtestantes), which is an interesting stylistic pattern, common in early Latin and associated with elevated style, and later probably acquiring an archaising ring. On the other hand, consonance of -s in classical Latin poetry appears as an independent sound figure, deployed by authors for poetic effect (cf. e.g. Verg. A. 12.708 ingentis genitos diuersis partibus orbis). By analysing these patterns of consonance, the article also investigates the stylistic potential of asyndeton and the phonetic status of final -s in early and classical Latin.

Throughout history, lovers have found several ways to express their love. One of these ways is the serenade performed in front of the window of the beloved on the street at night. Paraclausithyron, which we can call the first literary form of the serenade, was a method that was used to declare love to the lover 2500 years ago, but it took a tragic style rather than a romantic style of serenate. In this study, first of all, the origins and features of paraclausithyron in Greek literature are discussed, and then the poems of the famous lyric poet of the Latin literature, Horatius, are examined, and the similarities and differences between the elegy poets of Tibulus, Propertius and Ovidius, and their treatment of and approach to this theme are emphasized.

The Latin narrative poem Asinarius (The Donkey Tale, ca. 1200) is one of the most fairytale-like texts to have come out of the High Middle Ages. Its story tells of a prince born in the shape of an ass who is educated as a proper nobleman, learns to play the lyre, leaves his home, and weds a foreign princess, and on his wedding night is revealed to be a handsome young man. This contribution will provide readers with the first Englishverse translation of this engaging poem.

Although Ovid dedicated his Metamorphoses to the subject of change, the vast majority of the corporeal alterations catalogued in this ancient Roman poem are singular, permanent transformations. In contrast, dramatists writing for the Elizabethan stage tended to represent fantastical, neo-Ovidian metamorphoses as temporary and reversible. With particular reference to the plays of John Lyly and especially Love s Metamorphosis this article exposes conceptual and generic deviations between the static post-metamorphic norm found in Ovid s Latin poetry and Elizabethan England s theatrical depictions of bodily retro-metamorphoses. peer-reviewed 2019-12-27

This chapter draws on two separate but inter-related areas of research. The first is the life, career and works of Thomas Maitland, who was the son of Richard Maitland of Lethington and a Scottish neo-Latin poet. Maitland’s extant work was printed in the Delitiae Poetarum Scotorum (1637) and is surprisingly versatile, comprising seven elegies, four sylvae (or occasional poems) in hexameter, and 28 short poems and epigrams, ranging in length from 2 to 30 lines, and in a variety of meters. The second is the use of the elegiac couplet by Scottish neo-Latinists before 1603, which by necessity also involves an examination of the extent and nature of erotic and obscene poetry written by Scots in the same period, and the situation of Scotland within the context of international developmets in neo-Latin elegy. Maitland’s erotic poems, which comprise four elegies and a range of epigrams in elegiac couplets and hendecasyllables, are important for two reasons. Firstly, Maitland comes closer than any of his other Scottish contemporaries to creating original poetry that also successfully emulates the conceits, themes and structures of Classical erotic poetry – chiefly that of Tibullus, Propertius, Ovid, Catullus, and Martial. Secondly, Maitland is an important ‘missing link’ in the development of Scottish elegiac verse. While the greatest Scottish neo-Latinist of the age, George Buchanan, wrote erotic and obscene poetry in the 1540s and 1550s, and a range of authors including David Hume and Arthur Johnston contributed to the genre in the early seventeenth century, only Maitland and Mark Boyd (author of Epistolae quindecim (1590) and Epistolae heroides et hymni (1592), which directly imitated Ovid’s Heroides) actively developed this field in a Scottish context in the immediate post-reformation period.

The main aim of this paper is to analyze several early-modern Neo-Latin poems written by Polish authors; the poems deal (in different ways) with old age. The poets undertake a kind of intertextual game with the reader, applying various stereotypes and clichés. On can speak about a “semiotic landscape” of old age. The authors taken into consideration are Jan Kochanowski, Grzegorz of Sambor, Thomas Treter (16th century) and Maciej Kazimierz Sarbiewski, Albert Ines (17th century).

A number of the classical sources employed in Leon Battista Alberti’s Dinner Pieces is also cited in his Italian prose works. Examples of this bilingual adaptation of Latin sources are illuminating. A further indication of Alberti's mastery of Latin poetry may be seen in a passage influenced by the elegiac poet Propertius. In Rings, Alberti's alter ego Philoponius bitterly says farewell to Rome and his deluded hopes. A further note on Rings arises from an observation made by Mark Jarzombek in his study of Alberti's literary and aesthetic theories. In Alberti's dialogue, the disenchanted Philoponius complains to Minerva that his efforts to serve her have proved vain. The identity of Philoponius' pebbles with Alberti's dinner pieces can be confirmed by comparing two passages in Alberti's writings. Philoponius' characterization of his pebbles as "rare and remarkable" echoes Alberti's preface of the Dinner Pieces, where in addressing Poggio Bracciolini he calls his pieces "various and quite rare inventions".

The best-known fact about the interaction of the Republican Roman poet Gaius Lucilius (c.180–103/102b.c.e.), the inventor of the genre of Roman verse satire, with the doctrine of Scepticism is probably a statement of Cicero: that Clitomachus the Academician dedicated a treatise to the poet (Cic.Luc. 102). Diogenes Laertius makes much of that writer's, Clitomachus’, industry (τὸ φιλόπονον, 4.67), with the comment: ‘to such lengths did his diligence (ἐπιμελείας) go that he composed more than four hundred treatises’. This phraseology surely reminds those interested in Lucilius’ influence on later Latin poetry of Horace's disparaging comment,in hora saepe ducentos, | ut magnum, uersus dictabat(‘as a bravura display, he would often dictate two hundred verses in an hour’,Sat.1.4.9–10); moreover, Horace shortly afterwards calls his predecessorgarrulus atque piger scribendi ferre laborem(‘talkative and too lazy to bear the work of writing’, 1.4.12). Yet, a sceptical view of Horace's critique might have to think of Lucilius as hard-working, like his putative friend the Academic philosopher, Clitomachus.

At the end of the Georgics Virgil represents himself as someone nursed by sweet Parthenope (IV 536: dulcis alebat / Parthenope). According to the rather obscure tradition which goes back to Servius, Parthenope would be an allusion to one of the Sirens, patron divinity of Naples-Parthenopolis, which was the favourite place of the poet. Nevertheless, Parthenope used to be considered as a self-referential joke on the nickname of Virgil, called Parthenias (a virgin) because of his moral excellence. The paper offers a new metapoetic reading of the passage which wishes to complete the earlier interpretations based on biographical data and local tradition. The allusion should also be regarded as a statement about inspiration. By suggesting a new approach to the mythology (see the Muse replaced by the Siren), the name of Parthenope appears to create an homage to Parthenius of Nicaea and to his strange collection of erotic myths. The studies about the impact of the Erotica pathemata on Latin poetry generally focus...