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In countries of sub-Saharan Africa, many children are admitted to hospital with severe forms of anaemia. The late hospital admissions of anaemic children contribute significantly to child morbidity and mortality in these countries. This qualitative study explores local health beliefs and traditional treatment practices that may hinder timely seeking of hospital care for anaemic children. In January of 2019, nine focus group discussions were conducted with 90 participants in rural communities of Malawi. The participants represented four groups of caregivers; mothers, fathers, grandmothers and grandfathers of children under the age of five. The Malawian medical landscape is comprised of formal and informal therapeutic alternatives-and this myriad of modalities is likely to complicate the healthcare choices of caregivers. When dealing with child illness, many participants reported how they would follow a step-by-step, 'multi-try' therapeutic pathway where a combination of biomedical and traditional treatment options were sought at varying time points depending on the perceived cause and severity of symptoms. The participants linked anaemia to naturalistic (malaria, poor nutrition and the local illnesses kakozi and kapamba), societal (the local illness msempho) and supernatural or personalistic (witchcraft and Satanism) causes. Most participants agreed that anaemia due to malaria and poor nutrition should be treated at hospital. As for local illnesses, many grandparents suggested herbal treatment offered by traditional healers, while the majority of parents would opt for hospital care. However, participants across all age groups claimed that anaemia caused by witchcraft and Satanism could only be dealt with by traditional healers or prayer, respectively. The multiple theories of anaemia causality combined with extensive use of and trust in traditional and complementary medicine may explain the frequent delay in admittance of anaemic children to hospital., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Background: In malaria endemic countries of sub-Saharan Africa, many children develop severe anaemia due to previous and current malaria infections. After blood transfusions and antimalarial treatment at the hospital they are usually discharged without any follow-up. In the post-discharge period, these children may contract new malaria infections and develop rebound severe anaemia. A randomised placebo-controlled trial in Malawi showed 31% reduction in malaria- and anaemia-related deaths or hospital readmissions among children under 5 years of age given antimalarial drugs for 3 months post-discharge. Thus, post-discharge malaria chemoprevention (PMC) may provide substantial protection against malaria and anaemia in young children living in areas of high malaria transmission. A delivery implementation trial is currently being conducted in Malawi to determine the optimal strategy for PMC delivery. In the trial, PMC is delivered through community- or facility-based methods with or without the use of reminders via phone text message or visit from a Health Surveillance Assistant. This paper describes the acceptance of PMC among caregivers., Methods: From October to December 2016, 30 in-depth interviews and 5 focus group discussions were conducted with caregivers of children who recently completed the last treatment course in the trial. Views on the feasibility of various delivery methods and reminder strategies were collected. The interviews were transcribed verbatim, translated to English, and coded using the software programme NVivo., Results: Community-based delivery was perceived as more favourable than facility-based delivery due to easy home access to drugs and fewer financial concerns. Many caregivers reported lack of visits from Health Surveillance Assistants and preferred text message reminders sent directly to their phones rather than waiting on these visits. Positive attitudes towards active use of health cards for remembering treatment dates were especially evident. Additionally, caregivers shared positive experiences from participation in the programme and described dihydroartemisinin-piperaquine as a safe and effective antimalarial drug that improved the health and well-being of their children., Conclusions: Post-discharge malaria chemoprevention given to children under the age of 5 previously treated for severe anaemia is highly accepted among caregivers. Caregivers prefer community-based delivery with use of health cards as their primary tool of reference., Trial Registration: NCT02721420 (February 13, 2016).

Background: Amputation of the uvula by lay providers, so-called "traditional uvulectomy", is common in parts of Sub-Saharan Africa. In Tanzania, the procedure is a treatment of persistent cough, and in some areas of the country, one in three children have been cut. Previous research from Sub-Saharan Africa suggest that uvulectomy by lay providers can increase morbidity and mortality in children, but few studies have examined the cultural ideas and practices that are linked to this form of lay surgery. Methods: This ethnomedical study took place in Dar es Salaam. Ten focus group discussions with a total of 43 caregivers in three different administrative districts were carried out, focusing on their perceptions of uvulectomy, the folk illness kimeo, and their experiences with taking a child for cutting. Four folk practitioners who carry out uvulectomies were interviewed individually, with a special focus on their background, and their perceptions of kimeo and uvulectomy. Results: Caregivers in Dar es Salaam typically take children who suffer from cough, vomiting and weakness to a professional health provider as a first recourse. If the child does not get well relatively quickly, some start fearing that their child may suffer from the folk illness kimeo. Kimeo is perceived by some to be an acute, life-threatening illness that professional health providers are incapable of treating. Folk practitioners treat kimeo by amputating the uvula using forceps. The four interviewed practitioners had learned their skill in apprenticeship, and two of them were third generation uvula cutters. Caregivers regard the folk practitioners as experts who offer a service that is perceived as both efficient and safe. Conclusions: Efforts should be made to improve the quality of professional health services for children presenting with cough, including more open communication with caregivers about the folk illness kimeo. More research is needed to establish the clinical conditions that children who are taken for uvulectomy suffer from, to what degree the practice delays professional health care for underlying illnesses like pneumonia, and the negative effects of the cutting itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mothers are commonly blamed for the ill-health of their children, and this is well documented in research. However, few studies have considered gendered patterns of blame for hereditary conditions caused by mutations from both parents through dual, shared genetic inheritance. This paper explores the 'gendering' of blame in the context of an inherited blood disorder known as sickle cell disease. The findings are drawn from 18 focus group discussions with 117 caregivers of children with sickle cell disease in Malawi and Uganda. Although one mutation from each parent is required for the disease to develop, low awareness about their status as healthy carriers of a sickle cell trait complicated the caregivers' recognition and acceptance of their genetic link to the child's condition. This study demonstrates how fathers and other members of the paternal side of the child's family would deflect blame from their own lineage by directing sole 'genetic responsibility' for the child's disease towards mothers. We discuss the implications of gendered blame on household dynamics and healthcare-seeking for children with sickle cell disease in this setting. • Sickle cell disease develops if the child inherits one mutation from each parent. • Low awareness about sickle cell disease led to gendered blame-shifting. • Mothers were attributed sole genetic responsibility for the child's condition. • Invisible inheritance through healthy carriers may cause gendered patterns of blame. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]