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Progress made in European defence-industrial integration has been subjected to the hardest test with the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. The conflict has had profound implications for European defence industries across the board and spurred on massive investment into the sector. Based on extensive analysis of procurements, adopted policies, and shifts in discourse, we argue that the practical steps undertaken by Central and Eastern European (CEE) defence industries in the wake of the conflict are disintegrational. This is contrary to many discernible indicators which align with European integrational initiatives in defence. Moreover, the paper argues that the pattern of decisions taken by Central and Eastern European countries reinforces structural barriers to potential future European defence-industrial integration. The findings are significant to EU-wide, regional, and bilateral defence-industrial co-operation as well as national defence industrial strategies in reaction to the ongoing war in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent is political fragmentation associated with changes in democracy? The article uses the European integration process of ten Central and East European democracies to argue that political fragmentation is distinctly related to changes in democracy, depending on whether it is the government or opposition that is fragmented. Moreover, this association is mitigated by EU conditionality in the integration process. The paper tests the argument through the use of time-series cross-sectional data. The findings illustrate the importance of opposition fragmentation as an essential factor in explaining changes in democracy. In conclusion, the article draws attention to the understudied literature on opposition fragmentation by highlighting the theoretical implications of the findings for comparative politics and European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's cooperation approach demonstrated through the Belt and Road Initiative is quite different in comparison to regional integration in Europe. Geographical limits, differences in culture, value systems, social and political realities make such a comparison disputable. The aim of this paper is not to compare the European integration experience with the most significant Chinese cooperation project. The study is rather focused on briefly evaluating the cooperation model applied by China towards the region of Central and Eastern Europe and the way it interacts with and affects the EU integration model. It also gives consideration to the evolving geopolitical situation at the regional and global levels. Methodologically, the study builds on an interdisciplinary approach that allows for assessing the problem in historical, legal, economic, and diplomatic aspect. The methodological framework is supplemented by the application of some instruments of geopolitical analysis. The paper argues that China's approach towards the CEE region has the potential to exacerbate some of the divisions within the increasingly fragmented European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To many citizens in post-communist states European Union (EU) membership represented a historical–civilisational choice: an end to the Cold War division of Europe and symbolic reuniting of Eastern Europe with a 'West' that they had always considered themselves to be part of culturally and spiritually. In fact, in spite of its multiple crises, there continued to be high levels of support for EU membership and 'Hard' rejectionist Eurosceptic discourses were confined to the margins of politics. However, the increasing sense of East European cultural distinctiveness, highlighted by the post-communist states' responses to the European migration crisis, meant that pro-EU discourses were less romantic and more instrumental, driven increasingly by a cost–benefit analysis based on an evaluation of the tangible material benefits that the Union was felt to deliver. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a mixed-methods measurement of the mass-elite congruence of opinions on the EU based on a combination of speech and survey data. It focuses on two countries (Bulgaria and Romania) that were known for their pro-European profile until their EU accession, but which faced many political difficulties afterwards. The analysis covers the 2013–2017 period that includes a great deal of these post-accession difficulties. The article illustrates how we can make meaningful comparisons between short-term, dichotomous mass, and elite attitudes with timeframes determined by non-electoral events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With democracy declining and becoming sporadically illiberal and populist in Europe and elsewhere, the questions of democratic transformation gain new resonance and topicality. Within the European Union and its neighbourhoods, the results of long-pursued Europeanisation are being reconsidered against the new criteria of democratic transition resilience, as well as against the new realities of emerging de-democratisation and de-Europeanisation undercurrents - and the re-emerging split of Europe. The thirtieth anniversary of the Central and Eastern European countries' democratic transition and 'return to EUrope' provides a good opportunity to reassess successes and shortcomings of their transformation trajectories. Rather than engaging in a metrical exercise of measuring the quality of democracy in each EU member state, this article approaches the puzzle of East-Central European states' transition resilience from an interdisciplinary law and politics perspective on the respective countries' transition to EU 'member-statehood' and 'neighbour-statehood' as distinct types of statehood. In so doing, it develops an account of European Union 'member state-building' and 'neighbour state-building' as an inherent part of the respective countries' simultaneous transformation, European integration, and state-building agendas. Drawing on the democratisation, Europeanisation and state-building literatures, as well as a wealth of primary sources, this article bridges the discussion of the differentiated EU-induced and EU-centric transition trajectories of candidate and non-candidate countries in light of them becoming successfully, or less so, 'ideal' EU members or neighbours, respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical grievances of different political groups in the EU contributed to the rising opposition to "Brussels". This opposition is often framed through memories that contest the official EU narrative of the peaceful and prosperous continental integration that was able to overcome the destructions of the two world wars and the Cold War divisions. Based on the analysis of the development of some of the most prominent Eurosceptic parties (le Front National, die Alternative für Deutschland, Syriza, Podemos, Fidesz, Prawo i Sprawiedliwość), it is argued that recent EU crises and especially their interpretations have been influenced by the legacies of some of the most important periods of twentieth-century European history. The legacy of the Second World War and its aftermath in two founding member states (France, Germany), the legacy of right-wing dictatorships in two Southern European member states (Greece, Spain) and the legacy of communist dictatorships in two Central and Eastern European member states (Hungary, Poland) still shape narratives and stances towards European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Soviet and post-Soviet period, countries of Central and Eastern Europe experienced difficult social transformation processes. At the same time, these states remained marginal in European integration projects. In this context, the European integration vision of Pope John Paul II became relevant. He emphasized the important role of Central and Eastern part of Europe, its identity, spiritual and cultural heritage in the context of the European unity concepts. St. Cyril and Methodius became the special symbols and the personification of identity of Central and Eastern Europe in Pope's vision. On the basis of analysis of researches, works and speeches the connection between the figures of St. Cyril and Methodius and the European vision of John Paul II is analysed. Particular attention is paid to his interpretation of actuality of St. Cyril and Methodius heritage for modern Europe in three important aspects: European integration, ecumenism, spiritual and cultural European identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early nineties the region of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE, more than 1 million km² and 100 million inhabitants) went through fundamental political, economic and social changes which eventually led to the European integration process. This positively influenced urban water and wastewater management, which had an unbalanced structure and rather low level of development. The paper outlines first the 1990 situation (water supply, sewerage and wastewater treatment (WWT)) and the infrastructure development of the last two decades, on the basis of a comprehensive data collection for six countries (Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia). Austria serves as a reference basis. Alterations of some of the drivers such as GOP (Gross Domestic Product), water tariff, investment funding and legislation are studied in detail. Then, the paper focuses on WWT by analyzing data of 20 large plants. lnfluent and effluent quality is evaluated. Technology indicators are estimated and assessed. They include plant removal rates and violation ratios assuming the application of the Urban Wastewater Directive, primary clarifier removal rates, actual anoxic volume and sludge age in comparison with the recommendations of the AN guideline, criteria of secondary settling tanks and energy consumption. Finally, nutrient removal rates and upgrading options are outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the integration process commenced, there has been debate over whether the countries in Central and Eastern Europe have seen a surge or decline in democracy after signing accession treaties to join the European Union (EU). Drawing upon a sample of 24 Central and Eastern European countries, I test whether EU candidates and members have experienced an increase in levels of democracy since the onset of accession, as opposed to their non-EU neighbours. I also test the effects of EU candidacy and membership on state-level civil liberties and political rights. These analyses are conducted while controlling for relevant factors: gross domestic product per capita, trade openness and type of democratic — parliamentary versus presidential — system. All countries in Central and Eastern Europe that have complete and comparable data available are included in the empirical analysis. In conclusion, I find that there is a positive and significant relationship between integration and civil liberties. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Accession to the European Union (EU) demands the adoption of a vast body of legislation. This paper analyses compliance with EU directives in eight post-communist countries during the Eastern enlargement and tries to account for the puzzling embrace of EU law in Central and Eastern Europe. Drawing on a new data set tracking the transposition of a sample of 119 directives, the paper finds effects of both political preferences and government capacity on the likelihood of timely transposition. Furthermore, important sectoral differences are uncovered, with trade-related legislation having a better chance and environmental legislation having a significantly worse chance of being incorporated into national legal systems on time. Beyond the conditionality of the accession process, the paper unveils a complex causal structure behind the ups and downs in transposition performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]