Search

Costs and the likely effects of assured child-support benefits on poverty and welfare participation are estimated under two scenarios: with and without incorporating the labor supply changes of custodial parents. Results indicate reductions in poverty rates, poverty gap, welfare caseloads, and expenditures. Changeable hours will increase costs. (Author/EMK)

Examines five-year compliance patterns among Wisconsin child support cases that came to court in 1986 to 1998. Compliance during the first year provides some indication of long-term compliance, but half of fathers change their compliance rate over the period. Differences between divorced and unmarried fathers are discussed. (Author/MKA)

Examines compliance with child support orders by divorced fathers in Wisconsin during 1981-89. The fathers' ability to pay is strongly related to compliance: compliance increases as the fathers' income increases. Analysis of nonpaying fathers suggests that although they are not a high-income group, they are generally not so poor that they could not afford to pay at least some support. (KW)

Reviews implementation and effects of three child support reforms in Wisconsin to determine the child support policies that yield the greatest benefit to dependent children. Expressing child support orders as a percentage of noncustodial parent's income increases amount of orders and payments. Withholding payment from noncustodial parents' income increases support payments. (SNR)

Examines Wisconsin divorce cases (n=3,774) before and after income-sharing guidelines were implemented relating to child support. Found that the negative impact of the mother's income on the size of child support orders has fallen substantially since the guidelines have been effective. Discusses implications. (RB)

Examined three data sets to explore assumptions about custodial fathers: there are few father-only families, most custodial fathers have remarried, many single fathers are widowers, custodial fathers have high incomes, and fathers primarily receive custody of older boys. Concluded that many assumptions are untrue and that child support policies should follow same principles regardless of who has custody. (Author/NB)

Objective and Background: Previous research shows the benefits of formal child support to children during their childhood; however, the long‐term effect of child support receipt on outcomes as adults has not been studied. This inquiry examines whether adults who received formal child support as children have different labor market outcomes than those who did not. Method: We conducted two sets of analyses with complementary strengths to examine young adults' earnings and employment status. Our primary method exploited experimental variation in child support receipt among welfare participants, as part of the Wisconsin Child Support Demonstration Evaluation; the secondary analyses used propensity score matching to construct statistically equivalent comparison groups drawn from a broader population included in Wisconsin Court Record Data. Results: Across both studies, we found the receipt of child support was associated with a substantive and statistically significant increase in adult earnings; results for employment status were mixed. Conclusion: Findings suggest that formal child support may disrupt patterns of intergenerational disadvantage, reducing the economic vulnerability of children living with resident mothers, and then improving those children's earnings as adults. In addition to contributing to our understanding of the relationship between childhood economic status and adult outcomes, the findings provide critical new information to policymakers assessing family policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this research note, we demonstrate that trends in the likelihood of child support agreements differ by marital history (i.e., never-married vs. ever-married) and by whether measures rely on the stock of families (i.e., allthose in which children live apart from a parent) or the flow (i.e., those that include children who newly live apart from a parent) in a given year. While previous research has highlighted difference by marital history, the contrast between stock and flow is a new contribution. Trends are typically measured with reference to the stock of cases, even while the flow of cases, which more immediately reflects concurrent policy changes, is more relevant in many contexts. Interpretations of recent declines in child support agreements in the stock of cases--referenced as evidence for both mandating participation and the impracticality of requiring child support-- may be better informed by considering the flow of cases. We find the flow of previously married mothers increasingly likely to have child support agreements while the likelihood is relatively consistent over time for nevermarried mothers. For both groups, using the flow measure, we find notable increases in agreements without payments due in the most recent period. These findings underscore the importance of differentiating stock and flow, and by marital history, in considering the proportion with agreements as an indicator of the effectiveness of current policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasingly, parents in separated families equally share care of their children post-separation. In this article we extend a well-known family policy model to generate hypotheses about the level of child support to be paid by separated parents when children live primarily with their mother ('sole custody') in contrast to when children spend equal time with both parents ('shared care'). We test these hypotheses with data collected from thirteen countries. In sole custody cases, countries with an earner-carer policy model do have lower child support expectations than countries with a traditional family policy model or a market-oriented model, as predicted. Countries with a traditional family policy model do have the highest orders in the shared case, as predicted. However, there is as much variation within models as there is between, suggesting new analytic frameworks for considering child support in family policy need to be developed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We provide an overview of child support policy in high-income countries, highlighting differences in institutional arrangements, the amount of child support due, and the amount of child support received. We show that the United States expects high levels of child support from nonresident parents when compared to other countries, that noncompliance is a problem across countries, and that most European countries deal with nonpayment of child support by providing guarantees of public support for children and resident parents. The guarantee schemes vary in terms of eligibility and generosity. Throughout, we find that child support policy approaches differ across countries. A key policy implication from this review is that the United States may be expecting too much child support from nonresident parents and that it could consider guaranteeing a modest amount of public support to single-parent households. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most children in the United States will spend at least part of their childhood living apart from one of their parents; the child support system is designed to ensure that they nonetheless receive financial support. While the system is largely effective when noncustodial parents have substantial regular earnings, many noncustodial parents, including a disproportionate share of those whose children live in poverty, have limited earnings and ability to pay child support. The system's response to nonpayment is primarily "sticks," that is, threats and punishments. Nonexperimental evaluations of alternative approaches have shown promise. The National Child Support Noncustodial Parent Employment Demonstration (CSPED), a large‐scale random‐assignment evaluation enrolling more than 10,000 noncustodial parents across 18 locations in eight states, was designed to test the effectiveness of an alternative approach—adjusting child support orders, reducing punitive enforcement, and offering employment and parenting services. We find that CSPED, using carrots in place of sticks, substantially increased the satisfaction of noncustodial parents with child support services, lowered the amount of support owed, and increased noncustodial parents' sense of responsibility for their children. However, CSPED had limited to no effects on child support compliance, child support payments, or employment outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND While a striking rise in shared physical custody after divorce has been observed in Wisconsin and some European countries, the same trend in shared custody has not been documented in US national data. OBJECTIVE We provide new evidence on the time trend in shared physical custody after divorce in the United States. METHODS We use eight waves of data from the Current Population Survey -- Child Support Supplement to estimate logit models and conduct a formal decomposition. RESULTS The likelihood of shared physical custody after divorce more than doubled in the United States from before 1985 until 2010--2014, from 13% to 34%. Non-linear probability (logit) models show that non-Hispanic Whites and more advantaged individuals are more likely to report shared physical custody. Both sequential multivariate models and a more formal decomposition show that the increase cannot be explained by changes in the characteristics of those divorcing; rather we find that several characteristics become more strongly associated with shared physical custody over time. CONCLUSIONS Our results suggest that shared physical custody is increasing in the United States as a whole, and this increase appears to reflect changing norms and policies that favor shared custody. These changing patterns have important implications for children's living arrangements and for the parental investments that children receive after their parents' divorce -- and more broadly for the rise in inequality across families over recent decades. CONTRIBUTION This paper complements previous analyses using court record data from a single US state (Wisconsin) and shows that a large increase in shared physical custody after divorce has occurred in the United States as a whole over the past three decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia, New Zealand, the UK, and the USA instituted child support agencies in the late 1900s and had some policies that resulted in having lowered governmental expenditures when child support was paid. Building on previous research comparing these four countries, this article examines the extent to which these countries currently use explicit cost recovery policies, implicit policies revealed in programme interactions, and fees. Using data from country informants on hypothetical families, we show the percentage of child support payments that are retained through these different tools. In addition to characterizing country approaches, we discuss advantages and disadvantages of different cost-recovery strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although previous qualitative research in the United States suggests that noncustodial parents have difficult experiences with the child support system, there is no large-scale study of satisfaction. We use data on more than 1,800 socioeconomically disadvantaged noncustodial parents to explore their level of satisfaction and whether it is related to later child support payments. In contrast to qualitative research, we find that nearly half the noncustodial parents are satisfied with child support services. The level of satisfaction is found to be related to several agency actions and agency inflexibility. Non-Hispanic Black noncustodial parents who are satisfied pay more in support than those who were not satisfied; no relationship between satisfaction and payments is detected for other race and ethnicity groups or the sample as a whole. Our findings provide implications for policy makers and practitioners for understanding participant satisfaction and effectively addressing it in policies and services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Child support income has the potential to substantially reduce economic hardship for children living apart from their fathers, but many fathers have limited earnings and are unable to pay the support they owe. Understanding their employment barriers has implications for their child support payments and for child support agency services. Using data from a survey of nearly 3,800 noncustodial fathers in seven states, we find that more than half of the fathers reported barriers related to transportation, limited job skills, and criminal records. Although results vary somewhat across models, fathers who reported that transportation difficulties or a criminal record were barriers to employment had substantially lower earnings and poorer child support outcomes. Moreover, Black fathers with a criminal record had particularly poor outcomes. The results highlight the need for a more comprehensive approach to helping noncustodial fathers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Child support policies typically call for noncustodial fathers to provide their children financial support. However, setting orders too high may be counterproductive, resulting in lower payments and compliance and less regular payments. But how high is too high? Prior research is dated and inconsistent. We reexamine the relationship between the burden of orders and payments, compliance, and regularity. Using fixed-effects models and administrative data from Wisconsin, we find that payments increase until orders exceed 30 percent of earnings—that is, relatively high orders maximize the financial support children receive. However, compliance and regularity decline with higher burdens—the more that is expected, the less likely fathers are to meet expectations. Subgroup analyses show that payments do not increase with burden levels among low-income fathers. We discuss implications for current debates about how much child support should be expected from noncustodial fathers, particularly those with limited abilities to pay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little research exists on the contributions that noncustodial fathers make to children they have had in different families. We use baseline survey data from an intervention for noncustodial parents who are behind in their child support payments to examine formal and informal payments. We explore whether noncustodial fathers who have had children with multiple mothers provide any support to children from older relationships, and whether they provide less to these children than to children from their most recent relationship (their youngest nonresident child). We find that fathers are more likely to provide informal support to their youngest child, but many fathers are also providing to their oldest child; the likelihood of formal payments does not differ. The results suggest that fathers may prioritize younger children rather than trade families; these have important implications for understanding the role of the formal child support system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]