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Several research efforts were dedicated to analysing the effects of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows on gross domestic product (GDP) and employment in the host economies. The variations in the conclusions signal that other variables influence and moderate the effects of FDI on GDP and employment. Institutional elements receive limited research attention, despite their influence on the host economies. This paper investigates the moderating role of institutional elements in the FDI-host economies on FDI’s effects on GDP and employment with China and India as case studies. The approach utilises three principal methodologies. The first methodology presents an in-depth analysis of China and India, highlighting selected institutional elements with the potential to influence FDI’s effects. The second methodology confirms the presence of a positive correlation between FDI and GDP and a negative correlation between FDI and employment-to-population ratio (EPR) in both China and India. The FDI, GDP purchasing power parity per capita, and EPR datasets are extracted from the World Bank – DataBank World Development Indicators to ensure the consistency of the data. The results of the quantitative analysis validate the qualitative analysis. The qualitative analysis confirms the moderating role of the selected institutional elements with variations in direction and strength. Significant variations in FDI’s effects on GDP and employment are strongly related to variations in the institutions of governance. The institutions of governance include the functionality of the state organs, the efficiency of the legal system and enforcement of the rule of law, and the quality of implementation of FDI-supportive policies. The findings aim to increase the absorption of the positive effects of FDI on GDP and employment in the respective countries. The research is a cornerstone of in-depth future research into the following areas: the role of selective FDI and constructive conditional FDI policies, the functionality of judicial authority controls, and FDI favourable exchange rates and interest rates policies. The novelty and contribution of the paper lie in its comprehensive exploration of the moderating role of institutional elements on the effects of FDI on GDP and employment in host economies, with a specific focus on China and India. The paper contributes significantly to the academic literature on FDI and economic development by emphasising the importance of institutional factors and providing actionable insights for policymakers and researchers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the viability of shifting foreign direct investment (FDI) from China to Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries in light of recent geopolitical and economic challenges. By analyzing case studies, it argues that CEE nations offer a compelling alternative for Western European businesses, with stronger intellectual property protection, political stability and alignment with European Union (EU) sustainability goals. The paper provides insights for firms and policymakers on mitigating risks and enhancing business operations by pivoting toward the CEE region, offering practical recommendations for adapting to shifting global trade dynamics. Design/methodology/approach – The design methodology uses the case study approach to analyze the shift of FDI from China to CEE. This method examines the geopolitical, economic and legal contexts influencing business decisions, using real-world examples of Western European companies that have made this transition. The case studies highlight key factors in decision-making and the benefits of relocating investments to the CEE region. Findings – The study identifies several advantages of the CEE region over China for Western European firms. These include geographic proximity, similarities in business values and purposes, environmental accountability, trustworthiness in business, enforceable noncompetition rules, lower risks of counterfeiting, reduced political and administrative risks, lower risks of intellectual property theft and reduced risks of negative publicity. Practical implications – The findings suggest that Western European firms should consider redirecting their FDI to the CEE region to mitigate risks associated with investing in China. This move could offer long-term benefits despite short-term complications. Originality/value – This paper contributes to the FDI theoretical framework by enhancing the cultural, administrative, geographic and economic (CAGE) distance framework. It provides a unique perspective on the shifting dynamics between Europe and China and highlights the potential of the CEE region as a viable alternative for FDI.

Foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows have been significantly impacted by environmental regulation (ER). This study is aiming at analyzing the ER effect on the FDI inflows. By using the data of 2008–2018, we use Three‐stages least square (3SLS) method to assess the connection between FDI inflows and ER. The study results reveal that in Chinese industries, technological innovation (TI) is stipulated by the ER, and as a result, FDI has been engrossed. The results further reveal that TI has been enhanced by capital penetration, and a positive effect is perceived between TI and FDI. The findings of our study also show that there is a significant association between foreign capital (FC) inflows and TI, which indicates that technological policies are effective and advanced environmental policies would intensify the relevant policies between firms. Based on the study outcomes, this research proposes some policy suggestions for constructing a attuned policy system of environmental protection and FDI by regulating the implementation of conforming strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By analysing comprehensive firm data from 1999 to 2013 categorized by zip code, we find that Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) companies consistently received more local government subsidies in China. When comparing FDI within the same county and year, it becomes evident that FDI creates positive growth and productivity spillovers for other businesses in the same zip code. Furthermore, there is additional evidence to support the amenities channel as a possible productivity spillover channel. This paper makes a significant contribution to the debate regarding FDI's spillover effects at a disaggregated level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering the increased presence of China and Russia at all levels, including the deepening economic cooperation between the two countries and Serbia, the main purpose of this thesis is to examine the dynamics and structure of trade in goods and foreign direct investment between Serbia and the Russian Federation and Serbia and China. The analysis was conducted on the basis of secondary data from the National Bank of the Republic of Serbia and the China Global Investments Tracker (the data on investments), as well as the Trade Map database of the International Trade Centre (the data on trade in goods). The period covered by this research is from 2013 to 2022 (including 2023, when data was available). The research results show that the intensification of economic relations has occurred mainly in the last five years, when investments between Serbia and China, as well as Serbia and Russia, have increased, simultaneously boosting bilateral trade development. China, however, has emerged as Serbia’s more significant economic partner than Russia. China became a leader in foreign direct investment for Serbia and remained the second-most important trading partner. Despite the growing trends, Serbia’s economic relations with both sides remain far below their potential and face particular challenges, such as severely under-diversified Serbian exports, dependence on Russian energy imports, a widening trade deficit, favouritism towards certain sectors and industries in investments, nontransparent procedures and regulations, etc.

This paper examines the impact of English as a lingua franca on FDI by using the bilateral FDI data between China and 36 OECD countries. We find that English as a lingua franca significantly promotes FDI between China and OECD countries; the impact of English proficiency on outward FDI is greater than that on inward FDI in China; the improvement of English proficiency is more conducive to promoting China's FDI with non-English-speaking countries than with English-speaking countries. Our findings suggest that English can be an effective lingua franca to remove language barriers in FDI for developing countries, especially when the investing partners are high-income and non-English-speaking countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in Africa has attracted interest from both academia and the wider political world. Some postulate that Chinese companies – unlike Western corporations – have greater potential to initiate and carry out the structural transformation of the continent. Some researchers even indicate that thanks to the inflow of Chinese FDI, Africa may become “the next factory of the world”. The aim of this article is to analyse external effects (also called spillover effects) related to Chinese FDI in Africa using the examples of Angola and Zambia. According to the current state of knowledge, spillover effects are the most desirable effects of FDI in the host country, because the related increase in the productivity of local enterprises is key to the occurrence of structural transformation in local economies. The subject of the analysis presented in this article are three aspects (determinants) of spillover effects: (i) the potential of Chinese FDI to generate spillover effects, (ii) the absorptive capacity of local companies and (iii) local institutional settings favouring the occurrence of spillover effects. The findings indicate that due to the existence of weak and few linkages between foreign investors and local firms, spillover effects occur rarely and are relatively small. They are also not sufficient to initiate the transfer of valuable knowledge and technology. The presented research results were based on over 150 in-depth interviews and two rounds of surveys conducted among Chinese investors, Angolan and Zambian companies and representatives of local authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Review of International Affairs (04866096) is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract This paper aims to systematize and analyse the expansion of Chinese agribusiness business towards the Brazilian Amazon. A scenario of possible natural resources to be exploited in the South American Amazon is presented, followed by a discussion of the changes in the conduct of economic exploitation in the Brazilian Amazon since the Bolsonaro government came into power. We opted for this cut due to the increase in the soy trade flow from Brazil to China, in addition to the direct foreign investments of Chinese companies in this sector to be concentrated in Brazil, as well as investments in infrastructure for transporting soy grain from the Amazon.

Studies have discussed how and if foreign direct investment (FDI) may improve collective labor rights in host countries. These studies presume FDI is from developed democracies to developing countries. Far less discussed is whether this positive effect of FDI on labor rights holds when FDI originates from a developing economy with oppressive labor conditions. The rapid rise of China as a new source of FDI provides an opportunity to examine this question. Using a time-series cross-sectional data set covering 123 countries from 2003 to 2017, I test how Chinese FDI is associated with collective labor rights of host countries in both developing and developed regions and whether the effect of Chinese FDI differs from that of FDI from other countries. I find that FDI from China is negatively associated with collective labor rights in host countries, while non-Chinese FDI does not show such a negative association. The negative association between Chinese FDI and collective labor rights is more pronounced in host countries in developing regions than in developed regions. Existen diversos estudios que han analizado cómo y si la inversión extranjera directa (IED) puede contribuir a mejorar los derechos laborales colectivos en los países receptores. Estos estudios parten de la base de que la IED procede de democracias desarrolladas y de que se destina a países en desarrollo. Sin embargo, se ha analizado en mucha menor medida si este efecto positivo de la IED sobre los derechos laborales se mantiene cuando la IED procede de una economía en desarrollo con condiciones laborales opresivas. El rápido ascenso de China como nueva fuente de IED constituye una oportunidad para estudiar esta cuestión. Comprobamos, mediante el uso de un conjunto de datos transversales de series cronológicas que abarca 123 países de 2003 a 2017, cómo influye la IED china en los derechos laborales colectivos de los países receptores, tanto en regiones en desarrollo como en regiones desarrolladas, y si el efecto de la IED china difiere del de la IED de otros países. Los resultados muestran que la IED procedente de China se asocia de forma negativa con los derechos laborales colectivos en los países receptores, mientras que la IED no china no tiene un efecto tan negativo. El impacto negativo de la IED china sobre los derechos laborales colectivos es más pronunciado en los países receptores de las regiones en desarrollo que en países receptores de regiones desarrolladas. Des études ont porté sur comment et si les investissements directs à l'étranger (IDE) peuvent améliorer le droit du travail dans les pays hôtes. Ces études supposent que les IDE proviennent des démocraties développées et sont dirigés vers des pays en voie de développement. On s'est beaucoup moins intéressé au maintien de cet effet positif des IDE sur le droit du travail quand ils proviennent d'un pays en développement aux conditions de travail oppressives. La montée rapide de la Chine en tant que nouvelle source d'IDE fournit une opportunité d'analyse de cette question. À l'aide d'ensembles de données chronologiques transversaux couvrant 123 pays de 2003 à 2017, j'évalue l'influence des IDE chinois sur le droit du travail des pays hôtes, tant dans les régions développées qu'en développement, et si celle-ci diffère de l'influence des IDE d'autres pays. J'observe que les IDE de la Chine entraînent des effets négatifs sur le droit du travail des pays hôtes, quand les IDE d'autres pays n'ont pas de tels effets négatifs. Les conséquences négatives des IDE chinois sur le droit du travail sont plus marquées chez les pays hôtes de régions en développement que de régions développées. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, Chinese FDI has become an integral investment source for African countries and has, therefore, engendered studies seeking to understand the determinants of these flows. In a quest to identify the factors that stimulate these flows, this paper assesses whether the ease of starting a business induces Chinese FDI flow to Africa. The analysis is based on panel data for 46 African countries between 2004 and 2018. The results from fixed-effects estimations suggest that Chinese FDI is attracted by the ease of starting a business in African economies. This finding also holds for sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and is robust across all estimations. The results also provide corroborating evidence that identifies Chinese FDI as market and resource-seeking, attracted to large markets and economies with abundant natural resources. The findings suggest that improving business regulations could be a stimulant for Chinese FDI flow to Africa. In evaluating the nexus between Chinese FDI and business start-ups, this paper provides new evidence to complement the dated studies on this theme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are contradicting views regarding the casual nexus between a country's military spending and its nation's income inequality. Military spending is a critical component of government budget and can simply crowd out transfer payments, needed to improve income inequality. However, these payments can also stimulate a demand that can enhance the income prospects of the low-income earners. So, the association between military spending and income inequality is a vital question. The aim of this study is to examine the relationship between military spending and income inequality for BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). We used panel data extracted from different sources such as World Bank's World Development Indicators and Penn World Tables. This is the first study that disaggregate the data and compute the results for the full sample (all BRICS countries taken together) and for sub-samples for countries with military expenditure of about 2% of GDP (India, china and Russia) and countries with military expenditure of less than 1% of GDP (that is, South Africa and Brazil). Thus, to unravel the influence of military spending on income inequality, pool mean group (PMG) or panel autoregressive distributed lag (PARDL) approach was applied for the period from 1990-2017 for BRICS nations. Overall, the empirical result for the pooled sample established an inverse relationship between military expenditure and income inequality. A percentage change in military expenditure result in income inequality reduction within the BRICS community. The estimated coefficient of GDP per capita, show that a percentage increase in GDP per capita in the long run will lead to about -0.209756 reduction in the level of income inequality and statistically significant at 1% level. When data was disaggregated to reflect the BRICS countries whose military expenditure was about 2% of the national budget (i.e. Russia, China and India), the study found that military expenditure had a negative influence on income inequality in the long run equation. Based on the outcome of this empirical work, we recommend for policy makers should focus more on the policies which can improve economic activities within the BRICS nations and ultimately reduce income inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined the effect of the U.S. FDI in China on the rise of the U.S. right wing. We constructed the instrumental variables of the U.S. FDI in China and took deindustrialization as an intermediary variable to investigate the mechanism. On one hand, the U.S. FDI in China had a promotion effect on the rise of the U.S. right wing. On the other hand, the positive effect was indirectly caused by deindustrialization. Although the U.S. FDI in China contributed to the rise of the U.S. right wing, the rise of right wing should not be solely blamed on China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article surveys recent legislative and policy changes on foreign investments in four Nordic countries (Finland, Sweden, Denmark and Norway). Until recently, only Finland had national legislation on foreign investments, although historically the Nordic countries were forerunners in introducing foreign investment controls. A general rethink in the USA and the European Union on the links between liberal economies, investment policies and security has occurred in recent years. This has cast investments by enterprises from major authoritarian countries, foremost China, in a different light. Rather than investment numbers as such, or realised risks related to Chinese investments, a 'causal narrative' has emerged in the Nordic countries that draws attention to the nature of the Chinese party-state and its' unclear relationship to Chinese companies, underlining potential strategic motivations and security risks behind Chinese investments. Rapidly changing risk perceptions have driven legislative and policy changes on foreign direct investment (FDI), e.g. investment screening. Chinese investments have thus become riskified, to use a term coined by Olaf Corry. Shifting risk perceptions have similarly preceded previous 'formative epochs' in Nordic FDI legislation in the early twentieth century, after the Second World War and at the end of the Cold War. Each formative epoch has been characterised by a distinctive 'risk profile'. We postulate that these shifting risk perceptions significantly shape the reception of FDI as a key channel of cross-border connectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses cointegrated error-correction modeling to investigate the nature of Granger causality between corruption and foreign direct investment (FDI) in two rapidly emerging economic superpowers; namely, China and India. The results for China and India indicate that short-run Granger causality unidirectionally runs from FDI to corruption without feedback. These empirical findings (along with supporting theoretical arguments) dispute prior correlational-based studies which claim that corruption instigates changes in FDI. However, our results further support significant long-run causality running from corruption to FDI inflows, but only in India (not in China). This finding reinforces theoretical propositions of lower corruption arbitrariness in China as compared to India. Furthermore, short- and long-run causality between corruption and FDI in India appear dynamic in nature and time-sensitive implying some difficulties for policymakers in their fight against corruption. The paper discusses possible underlying reasons for the empirical results and draws several policy and Asian business implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine recent trends of South Korea's outward foreign direct investment from 2001 to 2021, which shows substantial change in terms of the total amount and compositions. Using gravity models, we test whether these differential time trends across the industries and destination countries survive after incorporating economic factors. Controlling for economic conditions, we find that the FDI to China has been declining much earlier than the China–South Korea political dispute, while the FDI to USA shows a steady increase, making it the top FDI destination throughout the sample period. Investment in tax haven shows rapid increase across all sizes of South Korean investors and therefore, further research is needed on its implications for tax evasion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following economic reforms, China has become one of the premiere destinations for foreign capital; however, the benefits of this spectacular growth are not evenly distributed. Since the beginning of the 2000s, the Chinese government has designed and implemented policies to encourage foreign investment in central and western provinces to help decrease the significant distributional differences in regional industrial value-added, with limited success. In contrast to previous literature, this paper uses Panel Least Squares method to analyze empirically the impact of industrial sector FDI on Chinese regional inequality in industrial value-added 2003–2013, using three Chinese regions. The lack of prerequisite institutional structure to aid in FDI absorption affects location choices. Despite government policies to support inland regional economic development, foreign firms still prefer to invest in coastal provinces, further illustrating the effects of regional clusters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Economic & Political Thought / Myśl Ekonomiczna & Polityczna is the property of Lazarski University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, we investigate the statistical features of the CO2 emissions and CO2 emissions per capita in a group of 45 African countries by looking at their degree of persistence and also testing for the existence of trends in the data. In addition, we also investigate if this level of emissions is related to the Chinese FDI in Africa. The results are very heterogeneous across countries, observing orders of integration statistically below 1 in a group of countries; in others, the majority of them, the values are around 1, while for some others, the degree of integration is statistically significantly above 1. Linear time trends are observed in approximately half of the countries. These results imply that, in the long term, public measures to reduce CO2 emissions may be required in the majority of the countries since in the event of shocks the series will not return by themselves to their original levels. If we look at Chinese FDI in these countries, we observe that there seems to be no relationship between the Chinese investment in Africa and the CO2 emission persistence, though this result needs to be contrasted in future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent years have witnessed a rise in global investments in the digital economy. The growing digital reach of Chinese tech companies is responsible for at least part of this transformation. Yet, little is known about how host country citizens view China's increasing stature in the digital sphere. Focusing on Chinese investments in mobile payment platforms (CIM), this article explains citizens' levels of approval of Chinese outward investments in the digital economy. Based on online surveys conducted in four selected Southeast Asian countries – Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines – this research shows that citizens of these four countries perceive the benefits of CIM to outweigh the risks, with approval rates to be higher for Thailand and Malaysia, and lower for Indonesia and the Philippines. We find these high levels of approval for CIM to be significantly associated with perceived personal benefit, such as price reductions and an increase in purchasing choices. By contrast, country-level factors, such as geopolitical concerns about China, do matter in some contexts, but overall show less explanatory influence. These results shed light on citizens' views of different types of foreign investments and of China, and support previous arguments on the separation between consumer behavior and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the relationship between Croatia and the U.S., Russia, and China, providing a comparative qualitative analysis of trade and investment flows between these countries. Using a Mixed Methods approach combined with a literature review, evaluation of a range of data sources, analysis of bilateral trade data and foreign direct investment flows, and other economic indicators, the study analyzes the drivers and implications for economic ties between Croatia and these countries. The study also examines the impact of economic sanctions on Croatia's relationship with Russia. The research finds that the U.S. is Croatia's largest trading partner, while Russia and China are important sources of foreign direct investment. Finally, the study provides recommendations for future research, highlighting the need for a greater focus on trade in services, investment flows, and comparative analysis with other countries in the Balkans region. Overall, the study contributes to understanding the complex economic relationship between Croatia and the U.S., Russia, and China and offers recommendations for greater diversification of Croatia's trade and investment partners and the importance of monitoring the political and economic risks in economic cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine, both theoretically and empirically, how the presence of FDI affects product quality of domestic firms through worker mobility. Mobility of more productive workers from foreign‐invested to domestic firms lowers the cost of production and contributes to improvement in the quality of goods produced by domestic firms. Profit maximisation by firms yields a structural relationship between unobserved product quality and observed revenue, which allows us to identify the impact of FDI on product quality. We use the theoretical model to frame empirical estimation, where we propose a novel approach to correct for sample selection bias. Under some mild assumptions, a set of population moments are derived and estimated using firm‐level data from China's beverage manufacturing industry. We find that, on average, (i) working for foreign‐invested firms boosts the skill level of workers by 11.12 per cent and (ii) the probability that an FDI‐trained worker will move to a domestic firm is approximately 0.3. Estimation of the structural parameters shows that a one per cent increase in FDI leads to approximately 1.4 per cent improvement in product quality of domestic firms in China's beverage manufacturing industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU's investment screening mechanism (ISM) has been a prime example of the unilateral turn in EU trade and investment policy and of a broader global trend of a rise in ISMs. Being a champion of market liberalization and open investment regimes, however, for the EU to introduce a regulatory barrier to cross-border capital flows is particularly remarkable. This contribution argues that conceptually, ISMs may be understood as exposing a problem of trust in international relations (IR) and that a greatly consequential, if not decisive, underlying factor affecting both the introduction and usage of the EU ISM has been the level of trust between the EU and the People's Republic of China. The introduction of the EU ISM is a symptom of mistrust in EU-China relations in its legislative form, and a test of trust in its individual decisions at Member State (MS) level. Discussing the above, the article aims to fulfil two objectives. First, it demonstrates how the concept of trust can illustrate the genesis and later the functioning of the EU ISM. Secondly, it explores what legal tools may be adopted to either rebuild trust or to render trust inessential by curtailing the security vulnerabilities which require it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign direct investment (FDI) is widely welcomed as it can improve the standard of living in the recipient country. However, depending on the target sector and/or the nationality of the investor, FDI may pose a risk to national security; this is why some countries have adopted screening procedures. Since 2020 the European Commission has coordinated its member states in screening FDI, but not all EU members have national screening mechanisms in place. Moreover, those mechanisms that do exist are not homogenous, for example, in their identification of protected sectors. This incompleteness and heterogeneity are weaknesses that undermine the security of the EU due to the high level of integration within the single market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although China's "going out" policy started with Den Xiaoping in 1979, the successive regimes in Beijing have gradually moved the economic management towards the "market-economy," despite a strong control of political power. This liberalization manifested in three ways: A controlled injection of foreign funds into the Chinese economy that allowed for efficiency, the increase in imports and exports that allowed increases in both the gross domestic product (GDP) and its growth rate, and the increase in oversea direct investment that carved the way for China's political influence on the global stage. Foreign direct investment (FDI) equipped the Chinese worker through the adoption of western technologies, which led to greater efficiency and productivity. Consequently, China's GDP increased 64-fold between 1980 and 2020, leading to an improved standard of living. However, during its economic development, China's economy maturation has led to an impasse that is common to all maturing economies. To maintain or to improve the living standards of its people, China must break new grounds in technology and find new markets for its products and labor, as it can no longer rely on the availability of technologies newly discovered by its competitors who perceive it to be a threat. Therefore, China increased its presence on the world stage through investment projects designed to secure resources for its industries, markets for its products, and markets for its labor. As predicted by many, the "Going Out" policy has had economic impacts on the world economy, but more importantly, on the balance of power in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

FDI flows in China have increased for decades, but the sectoral and country-origin distribution change over times. Chinese FDI inflows have experienced a shift from manufacturing to real estate and service sectors. A series of factors including labor cost increase, currency appreciation, overcapacity of production, domestic competition rise and US trade war cause negative effects on manufacturing FDI flows. However, rising purchasing power, consumer demand and market capacity create new opportunities for foreign business in China. The government makes efforts to nurture service trade as an engine of economic growth alongside trade in goods. Many incentive policies have been launched for numerous service industries. These are the push hand behind the rapid rise in service FDI. The neighboring countries or regions in Asia and free trade ports with taxation advantages contribute vast majority of the FDI in China. Hong Kong's status as the largest supplier of FDI to the mainland has become increasingly prominent over the past 20 years, partially due to so called "round-trip" FDI. Chinese economic diplomacy promotes regional integration in East and Southeast Asia, and creates conditions for the liberalization of intra-regional investment. Closer trade connections with European countries boost the EU investment in China over recent years. Our studies of FDI's structural changes in China can generate policy implications widely for the government, foreign companies and investors, as well as developing countries committed to FDI attraction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By adopting the dynamic panel threshold approach, this study assesses how foreign direct investment (FDI) shapes the causality between urbanization and CO2 emissions in China from 1996–2018. The results suggest that a rise in the pace of urbanization increases CO2 emissions, but this harmful effect becomes weaker after achieving a certain level of foreign capital. We also find that the more developed the technology, financial and government sectors, the more it can promote urbanization to reduce CO2 emissions. These results offer policy implications for China's urban planning and environmental policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Agroalimentaria is the property of Alejandro Antonio Gutierrez Socorro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Estudos Urbanos e Regionais is the property of Associacao Nacional de Pos-Graduacao e Pesquisa em Planejamento Urbano e Regional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Using a multivariate framework and the most recently available data that include numerous African countries, this investigation has produced the first extensive statistical evaluation of China's image in Africa based on China's various economic relations with Africa, including aid, trade, FDI and contracts. We find that China's economic development assistance, contracts, and to some degree, trade with African countries contribute to a positive image of China in Africa. In addition, we find that people in African countries of a smaller population, poorer livelihood, less open economy, and better governance tend to have positive views of China's political and economic influence. With the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative, Chinese economic activities in recipient countries have been increasing. The implications of this research shed light on how BRI may be received in the host countries and the likelihood of its success or failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapid growth of China's export sophistication and the driving factors are a matter of discussion in the literature. This study constructs a new measurement for net sophistication by utilizing the world input-output database and excluding the technologies embodied in foreign inputs. We find that although China's net sophistication has been increasing, it is much lower than that of developed countries. Based on new measurements, we explore the impact of FDI on domestic firms' net sophistication in China using data from 2000 to 2010. The results suggest that FDI has competition effects on domestic firms. Net sophistication may increase in the short term as domestic firms adjust their production by reducing the use of foreign technology to reduce costs. However, this increase in net sophistication is not sustainable without technological upgrades. Under long-term competition from foreign firms, domestic firms' net sophistication decreases. Our findings provide clear policy implications for labor-rich developing countries that seek to upgrade exports by attracting FDI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate the role of institutions in attracting Chinese FDI into Africa. Focusing on market- and resource-seeking motivations, we consider whether the impact of institutions varies by motivation for FDI. Our data relates to 43 African countries over 11 years, and we use the Generalized Method of Moments to show that Chinese MNEs are market-seeking and are attracted by weaker institutions. This negative effect of institutions is especially strong in resource-rich and higher-income countries. Our study also finds that in resource-rich African countries, better infrastructure quality attracts Chinese FDI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores how the institution of the host countries affects the natural resource-seeking and strategic asset-seeking motives of the Chinese outward foreign direct investment. Using the system GMM estimation method and data of the Chinese outward foreign direct investment during the period from 2003 to 2020, the study shows that the search for strategic assets by the Chinese outward foreign direct investment is directed toward the host countries with well-established institutions, while the search for natural resources is driven by poor institutions of the host countries. Findings from this study provide empirical evidence for policymakers to formulate appropriate foreign investment policies given the dynamics of Chinese foreign direct investment worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]