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The cooperation between Brazil and China dates from 1980 and is inserted in the South-South cooperation scope. However, the literature observes a transformation of this cooperative modality in the crisis of international relations – as evidenced by the impact of covid-19 pandemic – and the domestic challenges faced by developing countries. This raises the question of whether there is increasingly a gray area between South-South and North-South cooperation, and whether there is any likelihood of a reversal of this low cooperative profile between states. In this context, the paper seeks to analyze Brazil-China cooperation in science, technology and innovation (STI), observing the nuances of the previous and subsequent period of the covid-19 pandemic. Has there been a reduction in this cooperation in the contemporary scenario? How has the pandemic impacted this process? To answer these questions, this research is based on a bibliographic and documental review, as well as official websites of the cooperative initiatives and the Brazilian organizations involved in the bilateral interaction. We conclude that the biggest leaps in bilateral STI relations occurred at the end of the first decade of the 21st century and at the beginning of the second, with a subsequent reduction in cooperative intensity, although relations remained active. Furthermore, we note a transition in strategic terms and that, during the pandemic, new bonds were established, as well as dialogues for the renewal of the existing cooperation. Under the current administration of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, recent international acts have been signed and there has been a strengthening of the partnership, especially in the space area, demonstrating a boost in South-South cooperation in STI between Brazil and China.

Background: Trilateral South‒South cooperation is envisioned as an equal and empowering partnership model but still faces certain challenges. This study addresses whether and how trilateral South‒South cooperation can transform traditional development assistance for health (DAH) and explores the opportunities and challenges of trilateral South‒South cooperation for transforming future DAH, in the theme of "the emerging development partner's DAH transformation facilitated by a multilateral organization". Methods: We evaluate a maternal, newborn, and child health (MNCH) project involving the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), and China (hereinafter referred to as the "DRC–UNICEF–China project"). We analyze data from project documents and seventeen semi-structured interviews using a pragmatic analytical framework based on the DAH program logic model and the OECD's trilateral cooperation framework. Results: Evidence from the DRC–UNICEF–China MNCH project suggests that trilateral South‒South cooperation facilitated by a multilateral organization can provide transformative opportunities for emerging development partners' DAH to generate and deliver context-based, demand-oriented solutions, harmonize rules and procedures, institutionalize mutual learning and knowledge sharing, and increase the visibility of emerging development partners as sources for South‒South development experience transfer. However, the project revealed some challenges, including the neglect of key stakeholders in the complex governance structure, the high transaction costs needed to ensure transparency, and the harm local absence of the emerging development partner poses to long-term DAH engagement. Conclusions: This study echoes some of the findings in trilateral SSC literature that claim power structures and philanthropic, normative justification for health equity are often juxtaposed in trilateral SSC partnerships. The opportunities offered by the DRC–UNICEF–China project align with China's cognitive learning process for strengthening international engagement and global image building. However, challenges may arise as a result of complex governance structures and the entrustment of facilitating partners, which can threaten the effectiveness of trilateral cooperation. We call for strengthening the beneficiary partner's ownership at all levels, engaging the emerging development partner to better understand the beneficiary partner's local context(s) and needs, and ensuring available resources to support programmatic activities and long-term partnerships for the health and well-being of the beneficiaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With reference to frames as socially determined definitions of reality, this paper examines the discrepancies between the prominence of 'South‐South cooperation' terminology in globally dominant discourses and its limited usage by African stakeholders. Based on insights from the United Nations, (cross‐)regional collaboration formats and bilateral cooperation, we find that African officials employ 'South‐South' terminology mainly when 'Northern' partners are present but use other frames when engaging with developing countries. This limited resonance poses a challenge to multilateral organisations and traditional donors in their attempts to expand engagement with 'South‐South' relations. A focus on the usage and effects of frames, we argue, can clarify the assumptions based on which international cooperation unfolds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past decade, infrastructure has become a key area of cooperation between China and the Global South. Among the cooperation initiatives, numerous cases have experienced shortcomings or have failed. Notwithstanding some efforts, the reasons why still need to be better understood. To contribute to further illuminating this issue, the present study examines approximately 2000 pages of previously undisclosed documents of one of the most ambitious projects China has been involved in, namely the Brazil–Peru Transcontinental Railway project. The main events of this case are reconstructed to explain why the Brazil–China–Peru cooperation failed to achieve its objective of producing a basic feasibility study acceptable to these three countries. It finds that the main causes were: (1) the clash between Chinese and Brazilian interests; (2) the use of poor quality standards for the development of the basic feasibility study; and (3) the Peruvian abandonment of the initiative. Therefore, this case study draws attention to the importance of accounting for and trying to conciliate all partners' interests; it also suggests that relevant Chinese actors may need to improve their planning and feasibility studies quality standards; and, finally, it highlights the consequential role of institutional and technical capacity in host countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Çankırı Karatekin University Journal of the Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences is the property of Cankiri Karatekin University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study seeks to contribute to the thesis that China is directing its efforts toward the construction of a set of institutions that are presented as an alternative interstate subsystem to the one that emerged in the second postwar period. In this research, we made progress in locating the main elements from which we prefigure one of the features of that project. This is the strategy that, based on the cooperation scheme implemented by China through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the Global Development Initiative (GDI)1 and the Global Security Initiative (GSI),2 manifests itself in a kind of “early emulation” of the North American hegemonic strategy of the second postwar period. “Emulation” of the United States (US) is synthesized in a double process: first, in the way in which China is currently articulating an institutional framework under the intensification of the present systemic chaos, that is, in a previous or “early” moment with respect to that in which we could consider the clear rise of a new hegemonic power. This framework operates under the logic of a political dialog that allows trade agreements and promotes a development strategy based on structural change. Second, in a similar way to the multilateral consensus that underpinned the US project based on the promotion of “development” from the north to the south and with a fundamental role for cooperation and aid, China today deploys a similar argument promoting the scope of “a community of shared future”3 with its strategic partners and to which more and more states look to join, where the GDI and the GSI are fundamental axes.

The world has witnessed the rapid transformation of China from a country with a limited legal system to support global trade and protect intellectual property (IP) to a nation with a mature legal framework supportive of an economy driven by knowledge and innovation. This transition has facilitated a change in the role played by China in its cooperation in the field of IP, from a recipient of foreign technical assistance to a provider of such assistance to other developing nations. This article assesses China’s collaboration with other developing countries to strengthen the protection of IP in the context of the rising significance of technology and innovation in the economic plans implemented by Beijing. It argues that China’s engagement in the IP arena follows a South-South cooperation approach supportive of the interests of the developing world in international forums. The essay concludes that the collaboration between the Asian powerhouse and the Global South will continue in the near future but it may change by 2035 when China’s economy will rely more on innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of Chinese-African relations obtains a long history. Within its history, developing countries moved toward mutually beneficial partnerships developing a geopolitical alternative to the North-South relations. This paper examines improving relations between China and Djibouti and the main motives, principles and benefits derived from relationships of two countries within the framework of the South-South cooperation concept. Investigating two countries cooperation authors are guided by such international databases as China Africa Research Initiative, AidData, China Africa Project as well as Russian and Chinese aid. The paper is considering key investments projects and their role in the development of the African country economy as well as China aid in the struggle with economic and social problems. In its role, Djibouti being a logistic hub in South Africa plays a significant part in Chinese geoeconomic and political projects in South Africa. The present analysis allows to make the conclusion that Djibouti not only develops the shipping ecosystem but also gains influence on regional affairs and in international organisations. By means of the deployment of the military base China creates a favourable investment climate with a view to extending the volume of investments and trade.

The article discusses the true goals and benefits of China’s assistance to the South. A hypothesis reveals the relationship between China’s transition to an innovative development model and its interest in the industrialization of the least developed countries. The tasks of modernizing the economy and the national interests of China in the context of the modern international labor division are analyzed. To ensure the growth of incomes of the population to the level of developed countries, the creation of a post-industrial structure of the economy is required. This means that a number of industrial functions must be transferred to such backward countries that, without Chinese capital and technology, are not able to industrialize. In addition, for China, the problem of equilibrium of the balance of payments is urgent, the solution to which is to increase imports of simple goods and make direct investments within the Chinese Global Value Chains. Analysis of directions and first results of Chinese development assistance confirmed its important contribution to solving these problems, as well as its systemic nature within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative. The Initiative coordinates the construction of power plants, all types of infrastructure, and on their basis the development of industry and consumption under the control of Chinese companies. Therefore, all types of grants or concessional assistance to the South can be considered as investments into the development of the Chinese economy, which has gone beyond national borders. At the same time, participation in the Initiative brings benefits and growth prospects up to the level of the modern PRC for the most backward countries, but does not create growth opportunities for countries with already developed industry and an average standard of living, on the contrary, it reduces their space for post-industrialization.

In this article, we investigate one of the ways Argentinians approached the revolutionary experience in China through trips as part of delegations. Framed by the “Popular Diplomacy” signed by the Chinese foreign policy in the face of the vast majority of countries not recognizing the People’s Republic of China in the context of the Cold War, the invitations to intellectuals, journalists, and activists were one of the ways to break the imposed siege. We perceive that Maoism permeated through them and that it had a scope that went beyond the organization of its own strength. Even though since 1965 the trips were undertaken parallel to the establishment of Maoist organizations in that country, these trips represent an antecedent of the bonds between Argentina and the Popular Republic of China. Intending to focus on that role of the trips, we opted for assessing the ones already made outside the local Maoist organizations. Through the published testimonies of the trips, we intend to analyze the organization of those kinds of trips as well as the issues, thoughts and interests voiced by the travellers in order to reveal new elements on the first links between Argentina and the Chinese revolutionary experience.

Triangular cooperation aims to utilise the comparative advantages of a pivotal partner (usually an emerging country) and a facilitating partner (usually a traditional donor) to generate development impacts with and for the benefit of a beneficiary, through simultaneously strengthening their partnership and providing opportunities for mutual learning. Utilising the triangular cooperation modality, China has acted primarily as a pivotal partner, implementing projects with facilitating partners and beneficiaries. Roles and responsibilities between China and facilitating partners differ greatly. Three approaches can be distinguished: (a) facilitating partner provides financial resources and China provides expertise; (b) China provides financial resources and facilitating partner implements; (c) China and facilitating partner provide financial resources and jointly plan and implement together with the beneficiary. This article argues that approach (c), currently practised in triangular cooperation projects between China, Germany, and beneficiary countries, provides the partners with the most potential for effectively generating developmental impacts and partnership effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's 2021 White Paper, China's International Development Cooperation in the New Era, offers a new vision for a more people-centred approach to its development cooperation. While the White Paper extensively discusses partnerships, it only briefly mentions encouraging cooperation with non-governmental organisations (NGOs). This article argues that NGO engagement in international development activities would improve their effectiveness, a view shared by many Chinese scholars and practitioners. However, challenges exist that constrain optimal engagement, especially access to funding, and a weak enabling environment and policy framework. This article addresses these challenges, drawing from the literature on 'going out' among Chinese NGOs and social organisations, along with interviews with key players in the Chinese NGO ecosystem. The article recommends, among other things, that the government clarify and improve its policy framework for NGOs/social organisations in support of China's international development collaboration, especially regarding funding flows, personnel regulations, and material and capital outflows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese geographic imaginaries such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) are increasingly treated as taken-for-granted political concepts. The political language pertaining to BRI now overlaps, and interacts with, established narratives of geographic space. In this analysis, we focus on Beijing's diplomacy, as well as scholarly and official discourse, with the aim to locate Chinese representations of the 'South' or understanding(s) of 'developing' regions within what we describe as China's global connectivity politics. In this context, we show that instead of developing a fixed perspective on the 'South', the idea of the 'Global South' or 'South–South' cooperation, Chinese discourse increasingly defines the 'South' based on countries' responses to, or role within, Beijing's political initiatives and regional dialogue platforms. The Chinese reconfiguration of the geographic scope of the South therefore extends to Central and Eastern Europe and, possibly, beyond. Beijing exerts discourse power by categorising countries of the 'South' as being located relationally to China. This reframing, or broadening, of the idea of the 'South' also produces a less dichotomous differentiation between developed and developing states (a dichotomy which Beijing tries to avoid). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examining China's policy towards Latin America from 1949 to the present day, this article uncovers a puzzle about China in Latin America: while the guiding doctrine of China's policy towards the region has never changed (i.e. "South–South Cooperation" on the basis of the "Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence"), there is a difference in terms of its policy goal between then and now (i.e. a very revisionist and politically focused goal until the late 1970s as compared to a less revisionist and economically focused one today). Based on the theory of systemic constructivism, this article demonstrates that the change of the interactions between China and other countries in our world (from isolation and confrontation to engagement and interdependence) has changed China's perception about the nature of the international system, as well as its identity and interests in the system, which in turn has changed its policy goal towards Latin America and the "Global South" in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China’s role as an emerging aid provider and the concept of a social plan in Africa has led to polarised responses in the West. Several say that this “productivist” strategy is much less determined by the concepts of citizenship, legal, social rights, and much more regarding building functions. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the welfare and social policy ideas that characterize Chinese aid in Africa are influencing traditional donors and becoming global. The article utilised a qualitative study that has two main components. First, a comprehensive content analysis of over 50 key Sino-African, Chinese and Western policy documents from 2000 (since cooperation between Beijing and African countries first became institutionalised). Second, there were semi-structured interviews with Chinese, African and Western stakeholders in Addis Ababa, (Ethiopia), who was directly involved in the relationship between China and Africa and related development issues. The result of documentation and interview analyses show that there are currently significant differences between Chinese and Western approaches. China has made much stronger and more explicit links between development aid and economic activity than most Western donors. The aid is usually implemented through specific projects rather than broader programs or policies.

This paper explores the relations between the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) and China from a historical perspective. To do this it addresses the genesis and content of DAC’s “altruistic paradigm” and China’s “realist paradigm”, highlighting their differences. It also analyses DAC’s efforts and failure to co-opt China into the effective aid agenda: while China refuses to become a donor – citing its Southern identity – the DAC is resistant to recognising China as a co-operator with different responsibilities. The paper goes on to illustrate how, in order to survive “unfair competition”, the DAC incorporates elements from China and the South into its narrative and cooperation practices. Lastly, China’s move towards a more assertive foreign policy is explored along with the dynamic of relations between the DAC and China – between competition and convergence – in an uncertain international context.

Triangular development cooperation (TDC) is an increasingly popular modality in the aid field. It is seen to have both huge potential and limits. As the largest emerging donor, China's participation in TDC has been put under the spotlight. This article proposes a working definition of TDC focused on the type of resources transferred, and establishes a data set on the projects that China was involved in, from 2005 to 2016. Moreover, it investigates China's perception of the TDC by analysing its official publications. It finds that (a) China holds an equivocal understanding of the TDC concept; (b) although China has been rhetorically stressing the importance of TDC, few real actions have been taken; (c) China prefers international organisations in TDC instead of traditional donors; and (d) like other actors, most of China's TDC projects are recorded in non-economic sectors. At the moment, China remains cautious regarding the modality. But considering the growing volume of Chinese aid and its visibility, a more proactive stance on TDC might better serve Chinese interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

So far in the 21st century, the international development aid and cooperation regime has seen an increase in initiatives carried out by different emerging powers and developing countries, focusing more and more around China, whose peculiar way of cooperating seems to guide the structural transformation of the global South. Therefore, in order to discuss these issues, this article analyzes and debates the literature that argues about the "model" of Chinese South-South cooperation, exploring its characteristics and the peculiar relations between China and developing countries, in the face of the crisis. of the traditional cooperation regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the Chinese cooperation with developing countries, its purposes, shapes and intentions in order to explore the peculiar characteristics of Chinese SSC. This work seeks to analyze whether the cooperation carried out by China with countries of the Global South fits the principles of South-South cooperation and if and how China is modifying the international aid regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to estimate the concessionality of Southern financial flows using the OECD and World Bank methods in case of two major Southern providers, namely China and India. As loans from China and India are broadly perceived as non-concessional, the study employs a yardstick measure to investigate whether this perception holds true in practice. Based on a set of criteria, a group of lines of credit (LOCs) extended to developing countries by each provider were selected for the assessment. The obtained results show that most of the selected LOCs are concessional under OECD method and not necessarily under the World Bank method. Resource-secured loans found to be not concessional. The exercise also demonstrates that estimating the concessionality of Southern financial flows is mired by definitional, methodological and data challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beyond its references to the founding principle of Third Worldism, South-South cooperation – like all other forms of cooperation – is characterised by the relations between powers. With this in mind, over the past 15 years Africa has developed a strategy that underscores the capacities of the leading African states for action and influence in the effective realisation of common objectives in the continent’s relations with its foreign partners. The aim of this contribution is, therefore, to study how this “strategy of the mutualisation of powers” is put into practice as an African response – at the legal and institutional level in particular, how it is implemented in terms of South-South cooperation in the era of the rise of Asia, and its challenges and prospects.

This paper examines the consequences of the hugely successful expansion of South-South Cooperation since the new millennium. For all the achievements, variations and change over the 1950s-late 1990s, 'SSC 1.0' was characterised by relative neglect within the 'international' development community, and by many orthodox and critical scholars. In the chronological schema of the paper, 'SSC 2.0' refers to the period of remarkable expansion from the early 2000s to the present. The emergence of 'SSC 3.0', I suggest, is currently revealed by a discernible set of shifts driven in large part by the expansionary successes of SSC 2.0, as well as other turns in the global political economy. Three contemporary trends are identified: cooperation narratives that are increasingly 'muscular', nationalistic and pragmatic; difficulties sustaining claims to 'non-interference' in partner countries; and the further erosion of ideational and operational distinctiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's role as an emerging aid provider and the concept of a social plan in Africa has led to polarised responses in the West. Several say that this "productivist" strategy is much less determined by the concepts of citizenship, legal, social rights, and much more regarding building functions. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the welfare and social policy ideas that characterize Chinese aid in Africa are influencing traditional donors and becoming global. The article utilised a qualitative study that has two main components. First, a comprehensive content analysis of over 50 key Sino-African, Chinese and Western policy documents from 2000 (since cooperation between Beijing and African countries first became institutionalised). Second, there were semi-structured interviews with Chinese, African and Western stakeholders in Addis Ababa, (Ethiopia), who was directly involved in the relationship between China and Africa and related development issues. The result of documentation and interview analyses show that there are currently significant differences between Chinese and Western approaches. China has made much stronger and more explicit links between development aid and economic activity than most Western donors. The aid is usually implemented through specific projects rather than broader programs or policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relations between the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) and China from a historical perspective. To do this it addresses the genesis and content of DAC's "altruistic paradigm" and China's "realist paradigm", highlighting their differences. It also analyses DAC's efforts and failure to co-opt China into the effective aid agenda: while China refuses to become a donor - citing its Southern identity - the DAC is resistant to recognising China as a co-operator with different responsibilities. The paper goes on to illustrate how, in order to survive "unfair competition", the DAC incorporates elements from China and the South into its narrative and cooperation practices. Lastly, China's move towards a more assertive foreign policy is explored along with the dynamic of relations between the DAC and China - between competition and convergence - in an uncertain international context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The case study in this paper examines the contribution of scholarship programmes provided by the Chinese government in improving human capital in the fields of science, technology, and innovation in Tanzania. The case study constitutes a survey of 85 Tanzanians who have received training in China, and interviews with 13 individuals including some of the surveyed trainees, scholarship administrators, and other stakeholders. While critical comments were raised, the trainees in our sample were largely positive about the Chinese training experiences. Besides the direct transfer of skills and exposure to China’s modernity, the indirect outcome of technology transfer has come about through the importation of equipment and technical literature. However efforts to transfer and apply acquired knowledge have been regularly impeded by structural barriers including cross-cultural communication problems, differences in attitude, and the fact that in several cases Tanzania does not have the capacity to absorb some of the advanced Chinese technologies taught in the courses. Two-way communication is needed in order to inform and adapt the Chinese government training programmes to the specific needs of the recipient African economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China’s provision of development finance to other countries is sizable but reliable information is scarce. We introduce a new open-source methodology for collecting project-level development finance information and create a database of Chinese official finance (OF) to Africa from 2000 to 2011. We find that China’s commitments amounted to approximately US$73 billion, of which US$15 billion are comparable to Official Development Assistance following Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development definitions. We provide details on 1,511 projects to fifty African countries. We use this database to extend previous research on aid and conflict, which suffers from omitted-variable bias due to the exclusion of Chinese development finance. Our results show that sudden withdrawals of “traditional” aid no longer induce conflict in the presence of sufficient alternative funding from China. Our findings highlight the importance of gathering more complete data on the development activities of “nontraditional donors” to better understand the link between aid and conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign aid from China to the island countries of the Pacific has grown rapidly over the last few decades and an expanding body of literature has examined various aspects of what this means for politics in the region generally. This article focuses on China’s impact on Pacific regional politics partly from the perspective of identity politics. It suggests that China has substantially increased its engagement with the Pacific island states by making use of its own identity as a South–South development partner in contrast to traditional (mainly Western) donors in the region. Unlike most traditional donors, however, China’s diplomacy and engagement are based largely on bilateralism, and this is likely to continue for the foreseeable future. This approach could continue to limit its impact on Pacific regionalism, regardless of how it projects its image. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Beyond its references to the founding principle of Third Worldism, South-South cooperation - like all other forms of cooperation - is characterised by the relations between powers. With this in mind, over the past 15 years Africa has developed a strategy that underscores the capacities of the leading African states for action and influence in the effective realisation of common objectives in the continent's relations with its foreign partners. The aim of this contribution is, therefore, to study how this "strategy of the mutualisation of powers" is put into practice as an African response - at the legal and institutional level in particular, how it is implemented in terms of South-South cooperation in the era of the rise of Asia, and its challenges and prospects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we analyze Brazilian and Chinese practices in terms of cooperation in Africa, focusing on the agricultural sector. While a great deal of work has analyzed the engagement of these emerging players from an international relations viewpoint, we develop a practice based analysis, involving the ethnographic observation of cooperation projects and institutions. Firstly we show that, although justification rhetoric insists on a break with post-colonial and “economically motivated” cooperation, the national programs of China and Brazil are closely linked to commercial and industrial interests. Secondly we show, particularly for Brazil, that the professionalization of cooperation activities remains a major challenge for South-South cooperation.