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This paper tries to explain the economic significance of “pursuing green development and promoting harmony between humanity and nature” in the Report to the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) from the following eight aspects. First, it explains how to respect, adapt to, and protect nature through the confirmation of ownership, valuation classification and incentive. Second, it analyzes why China should work actively toward the goals of peaking carbon emissions and achieving carbon neutrality from the new security concept, new challenges, new situations, and new tasks brought by the urgency and severity of climate change risks. Third, it expounds on the difficulty and complexity of addressing climate change from multiple aspects, such as the ratchet effect, Giddens’s paradox, prisoner’s dilemma, lock-in effect, asset stranding, intergenerational equity, and the Wandering Earth scenario. Fourth, it recognizes the importance of stability, overall planning, and coordination based on the overall planned and coordinated triangle of high-quality development, carbon neutrality, and energy security. Fifth, it emphasizes the importance of green and low-carbon technological innovation by means of the IPAS equation. Sixth, it explains the essence of carbon neutrality as the industrial transition based on the energy transition, which is an economic logic. Seventh, taking the carbon market as an example, it explains the economic principle that the market mechanism plays an important role. Eighth, it explains how finance empowers the goals of peaking carbon emissions and achieving carbon neutrality as well as high-quality development. Finally, this paper is of guiding significance for economics, finance, international trade, and policy research, and in the meantime, provides new research tasks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the paper "China's Political Party System," published by China's State Council Information Office in 2007. The document examines the political party system adopted by China, focusing on the role that multi-party cooperation and political consultation under the leadership of the Communist Party plays in China's social and political life. The author looks at China's basic political system as well as manifestations of socialist democracy. A brief introduction to the democratic parties of China is also presented.

In China, there exists a huge debate for a long time on whether a double dividend, reducing pollution emissions and boosting employment, can be achieved by intensifying environmental regulations. In this paper, we use two data sets on provincial environmental legislation and Chinese manufacturing firms during 1998–2013, to estimate the impact of provincial environmental legislation on the firms' employment growth with a difference-in-difference (DID) model. Results showed that (1) after the implementation of environmental legislation, the employment growth of regulated manufacturing firms decreases significantly by 3.07%, and this result is robust to alternative tests. (2) Local environmental legislation reduces employment growth mainly via the influencing mechanism of the firm's entry and exit, export, and innovation. (3) The local environmental legislation has heterogeneous impacts on employment growth in different industries and different regions, and the estimated effect is more obvious in high-pollution industries and areas with strong enforcement. (4) Environmental legislation significantly improves job destruction and reduces job creation, resulting in a − 3.86% job net increase. Due to the long-term implementation of extensive economic growth mode, China's ecological environment has been deteriorating since the 1990s, and environmental pollution has attracted more and more social attention. Until 2013, the Communist Party of China put forward 'ecological civilization', and building a beautiful new China with harmonious coexistence between man and nature has become an important development strategy. Meanwhile, starting from the implementation of the Two-Control-Zone policy in 1998, China has implemented numerous environmental policies in just ten years. These environmental policies have greatly improved the quality of China's ecological environment, but their economic effects have been controversial. Given the special historical period, this paper helps assess the impact of Chinese environmental policies on employment and provides a more objective policy evaluation and implications for improving existing laws and regulations to achieve higher social welfare. To achieve this goal of balancing the improvement of the ecological environment and high employment level, environmental policies firstly should be flexible to ensure that the environmental standards follow the firm's characteristics and regional characteristics to avoid "one size fits all". Particularly, for regions with poor economic development or having a single industrial structure, the implementation cycle of the environmental policies should be extended to ensure that they have enough time to achieve industrial restructuring and complete the environmental protection goals. Secondly, we find that environmental legislation hurts employment growth by limiting export decisions, so the government should use multiple channels to stabilize export when implementing environmental legislation. Thirdly, technological R&D and innovation play an important role in the effect of environmental legislation on firms' employment growth. Therefore, the government should provide a more flexible environment for firms' R&D and innovation with appropriate fiscal policies and technical support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 5th Plenary Session of the 19th Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee clearly states that developing science and technology through self-reliance and self-strengthening provides the strategic underpinning for China's development. Based on this background, this paper explores a metric model for assessing national scientific research strength through collaboration on research papers. We propose a novel metric model for assessing national scientific research strength, which sets two indicators, national scientific self-reliance (SR) and national academic contribution (CT), to reflect "self-reliance" and "self-strengthening" respectively. Taking the research papers in quantum technology as an example, this study analyzes the scientific research strength of various countries around the world, especially China in quantum technology. The results show that the research of quantum technology in China has always been relatively independent with fewer international collaboration papers and located in a more marginal position in cooperation networks. China's academic contribution (CT) to global quantum technology research is increasing and has been greater than that of the United States in 2020. Combining the two indicators, CT and SR, China's research strength in the quantum field closely follows the United States, and the United States is the most powerful with high research autonomy. This paper only reflects China's scientific research strength in quantum technology from collaboration on research papers and doesn't consider the segmentation of quantum technology and the industrial upstream and downstream aspects, which need further study. The model is helpful to better understand the national scientific research strength in a certain field from "self-reliance" and "self-strengthening". We propose a novel metric model to measure the national scientific research strength from the perspective of "self-reliance" and "self-strengthening", which provides a solid basis for the assessment of the strength level of scientific research in countries/regions and institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military experience, as a special early experience exerts a very profound impact on individual decision making. This paper investigates the impact of military experience on male labor force entrepreneurial choices and its underlying mechanisms, using the 2014 to 2016 China Labor-force Dynamics Survey data. It is found that military experience significantly reduces the probability of individual entrepreneurship. The analysis of the influence mechanism shows that military experience inhibits survival entrepreneurship mainly by increasing employment opportunities in state-owned units, increasing the probability of becoming a member of the Communist Party of China(CPC), and accumulating human capital. This paper also finds that the inhibitory effect of military experience on individual entrepreneurship varies across household registration groups and is more significant for laborers with non-agricultural household. This paper not only reveals the impact of the military experience on individual entrepreneurship choices, but also provides empirical evidence for the development of innovation and entrepreneurship policies in emerging economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pilot of Accountability Audit of Natural resources (AANR) is an important initiative for the Communist Party of China Central Committee to eradicate environmental pollution and promote the construction of ecological civilization. The purpose of this study is to explore the relationship between AANR and green innovation in heavily polluting enterprises, so as to promote regional sustainable development. With a sample of the national key monitoring enterprises in China from 2011 to 2018, this paper investigates the impact of AANR on green innovation in heavily polluting enterprises by applying the multi-period difference-in-differences model. The results indicate that AANR significantly promotes green innovation in heavily polluting enterprises. The results of mechanism testing indicate that AANR stimulates green innovation by promoting government environmental governance and government innovation-driven strategy. The heterogeneity testings indicate that the promoting effect of AANR on green innovation in heavily polluting enterprises is more significant in regions with higher environmental carrying capacity, higher pressure of GDP achievement and higher transparency of government environmental information. Therefore, China should deepen the enforcement of AANR to promote the green transformation of heavily polluting enterprises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has been the socialist country since 1949, when the new country was established. Communist Party of China (CPC) selected Marxism as the governing ideology for China which is consistent with the hierarchical and centre government system. CPC is dedicated to improving happiness of society for the citizens within the framework of Marxism ideology. However, the concept of Marxism happiness, and its development are still limited in terms of understanding and study. This paper explored the development of concept of Marxism happiness through the different works of Marx from his early writing to the authoritative academic book. The researcher then defined the concept of Marxism Happiness. This paper employs document analysis and thematic analysis to provide a clear understanding of the concept of Marxism Happiness and its implication for the happiness of Chinese citizens, meanwhile, it would be conducive to the researchers and policy makers in ideological construction of a country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implementation of the strategy of rural revitalization is a major ministerial work made by the Nineteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China and is the general grasp of contemporary agriculture, peasants, and rural work. In recent years, with the rapid development of remote sensing technology and deep learning technology, the demand for the technology for the classification of crops on satellite remote sensing images based on deep learning technology has increased in agricultural insurance and land survey. Therefore, this paper trains one, which is 85.9%–92.8%, the accuracy of corn classification is 77%–93%, and the accuracy of forest classification is 77%–87.6%. Subsequently, the overall accuracy of classifying all directories through the multi-temporal validation data set between May 2017 and October 2017 reached 92.6%. Such a multi-time combination method can be used for monthly, timely, and efficient iteration of agricultural insurance and crop yield estimation, which will be more accurate each time. These methods can also be further applied to the growth and change monitoring of large agricultural planting areas, adding bricks and tiles to China's agricultural remote sensing. If the countryside is to be revitalized, agriculture must develop rapidly at the same time, industries must flourish, ecology must be livable, rural customs must be civilized, and life must be prosperous. Modern agriculture is a comprehensive circulation system with high yield, high quality, low consumption, ecology, environmental protection, and high efficiency. The development of modern agriculture is inseparable from the industrialization of agriculture, the globalization of agriculture, the digitization of agriculture, the integration of agriculture, the adjustment of agricultural structure, and agricultural innovation. Only the continuous development of modern agriculture can make rural revitalization enter a new journey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on interviews with 40 Chinese gay academics, this paper reveals participants' concerns about conducting queer research in China. These include sexual-identity exposure, difficulty in publishing research and receiving funding, as well as marginalisation within university departments. Informed by Irvine's conceptualisation of sexuality research as dirty work, this research examines the operation of heteronormativity in the constitution of queer research as dirty work. It shows that heteronormativity is intrinsic to research censorship by authorities, as repressive politics pursue regime maintenance and regulate difference. It is argued that Chinese academia is a heteronormative space in which queer research is constrained by the institutions and the Party-state. By teasing out the nuances in participants' experiences of research censorship, this paper highlights the complexity of power at play, which is far from a one-way relationship of authorities exerting power over researchers. Institutions exert power over queer researchers and simultaneously submit to the higher-level power of the Chinese Communist Party political system; at the same time, queer researchers who are governed by heteronormativity and political control can express their agency and resist the censorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Communist Party of China's 19th National Congress underlined the necessity of speeding the development of a manufacturing powerhouse and advanced manufacturing sector by supporting the deep integration of the Internet, big data, artificial intelligence, and the real economy. This study employed principal component analysis to extract the prominent risk factors from questionnaire data in order to manage the risks connected with the Internet strategic transformation of manufacturing firms. To confirm the major risk factors, a structural equation modeling was created using Amos-24 software. The findings revealed that risk factors of Internet strategic transformation in manufacturing businesses are mostly expressed in equipment flexibility risks, organizational versatility risks, smart technology risks, Internet technology risks, flexible management risks, and financing management risks. The paper offers useful theoretical and practical insights into the risks of China's manufacturing businesses' Internet strategic transformation. The findings can assist manufacturing firms in better identifying and managing these risks, supporting their smooth transition to the Internet economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, by means of quantitative and qualitative analysis based on a vast investigation, talks about the anomie in China's academic publishing from the following three aspects: first, disorders in format; second, misspellings & improper expressions of English language; third, misconduct in ethics. It introduces renovation measures taken by the country's related authorities and practitioners and probes into the deep-seated reasons why so little effect has so far been achieved. It's the first time that scholars have ever reviewed disorders in China's academic publishing in such a multi-dimensional scope. Through briefing the raft of reforms currently launched by the Chinese Communist Party and the State Council, the author expresses her expectation on the upturn of the situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of South Architecture / Nanfang Jianzhu is the property of South Architecture Editorial Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the rural revitalisation strategy was first introduced in the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, government agencies and scholars have put forward a series of indicators to measure its implementation. However, such a large number of indicators complicate the process. The rural revitalisation strategy aims to boost agricultural labour productivity, reduce the urban–rural income disparity, and promote the equalisation of basic public services, thereby accelerating the modernisation of agriculture and rural areas. This paper puts forward five indicators to evaluate the progress of implementing the rural revitalisation strategy. The indicators, though simple, underscore the key issues in promoting rural revitalisation in China. This paper also suggests that the rural revitalisation policy should aim to improve the quality of life of the rural population and promote the equalisation of basic public services rather than to reverse the population flow brought by industrialisation and urbanisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Establishing a service-oriented government (SOG) that can satisfy the needs of the people is not only a critical research topic in the field of public administration, but also a strategic agenda officially proposed since the Nineteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC). As SOG research increases, it is important to thoroughly review the topics and trajectory of research on SOG in China. This paper uses CiteSpace, a visual analysis software, to provide an up-to-date overview and systematic summary of the research topics, trajectory, and gaps in SOG research in China. SOG research in China is classified into four categories: SOG concepts, development paths, government reforms, and performance evaluations. This paper illustrates the underlying problems, such as unsystematic theoretical development, research perspectives, and deficiency of the integrated research on the development mechanism, prominent focuses, and practical applicability. We concluded by identifying new trends in SOG research in China regarding government–society relations and big data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the implementation of its market reforms in 1978, China has gradually shifted from a centrally-planned economy to a socialist market economy and has succeeded in obtaining significant economic development gains. China's spectacular economic rise represents one of the most remarkable phenomena of the last four decades. Since 1978, the Asian Dragon has undergone an astonishing economic transformation under the post-Maoist generation of Communist leaders. The aims of the paper are to present and briefly analyze the Chinese economic rise in the last four decades. In order to achieve the aims of the paper the authors used a quantitative research method. the paper briefly analyzed China's economic rise by taking into account the evolution of its GDP and economic growth rate. The results demonstrated the impressive economic performance obtained by the Asian Dragon even in the period of global crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the curtailment of constitutional rights arising from the implementation of emergency measures due to the COVID-19 pandemic in China's Hubei Province, which was not at all counterbalanced by introducing new forms of due constitutional protection. Likewise, high expectations cannot be set on pre-existing means of constitutional safeguards since the Chinese government clearly refused to establish new or different safeguarding procedures nor did it deem it necessary to establish ad hoc courts in order to tackle the COVID-19 pandemic. The paper is laid out as follows: (1) fundamental rights in a contemporary socialist state: an overview; (2) containment measures against COVID-19 and flexibility of constitutional right;. (3) the centrality of governing bodies and restrictions of constitutional rights; (4) territorial governance and centralization of containment measures against COVID-19; (5) between soft law and totalitarian propaganda; and (6) the ubiquity of the Communist Party of China and the "alignment" of judicial functions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid-1990s, the Chinese Communist Party's major provincial organs have established a large number of highly commercialized and urban-reader oriented daily newspapers, which are widely regarded as an 'individual' press category called 'city newspapers'. As an import-ant press phenomenon that significantly reflects some recent changes in Chinese print media, the rise of city newspapers has attracted little attention in western communication scholarship so far. After a general description of the historical development of city newspapers, this article further examines their characteristics and impact on the Chinese press. The article argues that though market-oriented city newspapers are not independent operations but additional offerings of Party organs and therefore have little to do with the concept of press freedom, their emergence and rapid development significantly illustrate that the heyday of propaganda-oriented Party and government organs in China is apparently over, even though they still formally remain the authoritative voice of the ruling power. It is also argued that the growing success of city newspapers, while financially contributing to their parent Party organs, has brought challenges to them as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese modernization has gradually become a global "hot topic" in the 2020s, but in terms of the theoretical construction and practical exploration of the modernization of ethnic minorities' residential areas of China, there are still many problems to be "cold thinking". As a concentrated area of ethnic minorities in China, Qiandongnan Prefecture has a unique natural ecological environment, diverse ethnic subjects, and diverse cultural types. Therefore, its modernization development path is obviously different from that of other regions. It is found that its modernization is characterized by a low degree of urbanization and industrialization, harmonious coexistence of multi-ethnic groups, large differences in the development level of various internal regions, coexistence of modernization commonness and local characteristics. Additionally, it faces many challenges, such as low urbanization rate of population, lack of resilience of economic development and large income gap between urban and rural residents. In the process of future modernization, not only adhere to the leadership of the Communist Party of China but also adhere to the concept that clear waters and green mountains are as good as mountains of gold and silver and the developmental ideas of people centered. In addition to strengthen policy input, urban and rural border planning, and the transformation of superior resources and to promote the high-quality development of China's ethnic minorities areas. This paper is an attempt to investigate the challenges and response of modernization in Guizhou province with a valuable able suggestion to improve the infrastructure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyze the most important aspects of the ideological relations between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) in the face of the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC). The Policy Brief is divided into four parts: Reactions of the Workers' Party of Korea to the 20th Congress of the Communist Party CPC; Mention of Korea during the 20th CPC Congress; The role of CPC in People's Republic of China according to WKP and the Significance of Sino-North Korean ideological relations after 20th Congress of the CPC. The methodology included media and literature review, which were collected through Korean Central News Agency, Rodong Sinmun and documents of the 20th Congress of the CPC. This study makes evident the importance of ideological relations between China and North Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses a new definition of "Chinese characteristics" in recent propaganda works in the People's Republic of China (PRC). The definition associates the expression with ancient Chinese civilization and traditional Chinese thought. As the new definition is gaining currency in state propaganda, some scholars interpret it as a signal that the Chinese Communist Party is ready for reconciliation with Confucianism or an experiment to replace, at least partially, Marxism with Confucianism as the state ideology. Some Confucian scholars thus try to formulate an account of Confucianism that could negotiate power with Marxism. This phenomenon shows that the practice of state ideology and propaganda in the PRC sometimes does not aim to shape people's beliefs or value systems. Instead, it aims to channel the intellectual efforts of the educated toward memorizing the official interpretations of the settled state ideology or decoding new propaganda messages. The function of new propaganda messages resembles "calls for papers": they invite academics to participate in building theoretical grounds for new formulations (such as mottos or slogans) or making policy suggestions that resonate with the formulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The report of the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) stated: "We should focus on the construction of One Belt and one road, insist on introducing and going out, implement high-level trade and investment liberalization and facilitation policies, and promote the formation of a new pattern of the comprehensive opening." Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), as part of its opening-up, has a direct impact on the quality of China's economic development. This paper studies the impact of FDI quality on the economic development of the provinces in the 30 inland provinces of China, excluding Tibet, from 2007 to 2015. This paper does not find that comprehensive FDI quality has a significant impact on China's high-quality economic development. The further study sample is divided into three texts in the East and West, and found that the export capacity of the eastern provinces of FDI significantly promote high-quality economic development in the region; the technical level of the central provinces of FDI significantly promotes high-quality economic development in the region, but then the actual size of the FDI has a significant inhibitory effect on central provinces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past few decades of rapid development, China has always attached great importance to the redevelopment of rural areas. Since the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the rural revitalization strategy proposed at the meeting has always received extensive attention. In 2019, the Chinese central government released a document on its rural revitalization strategy. In the document, Guizhou Province was listed as a key area to receive focus on pursuing rural revitalization. Meanwhile, the Guizhou government also formulated The Implementation Opinions on the People's Government of Guizhou Province's Rural Revitalization Strategy. The aim of this paper is to try to establish a model according to the rural revitalization strategy proposed by the Guizhou government and extracts the main influencing factors from its analysis. Through the analysis of the data collected during the process of the rural revitalization, the paper undertakes a deep analysis of the evaluation and studies an optimized approach to the revitalization to provide a referenced review for other villages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Society: Chinese Journal of Sociology / Shehui is the property of Society: Chinese Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper reports the results of a content analysis of five newspapers selected from the Chinese daily press. The research was conducted as part of an international project designed to explore the relationship between journalistic self-conceptions and journalistic practice. This paper reports only upon journalistic practice, in particular the extent to which different models of journalism are present. The results of the analysis demonstrate, firstly, that while the concept of a uniform ‘national media system’ is of some utility in comparative studies, there are, even in the highly structured Chinese case, very significant differences within a single country. Secondly, it demonstrates that the common division of the Chinese press into a politically oriented party press and a market-oriented commercial press is inadequate to explain the identifiable differences between titles in the sample. A four grouping solution fits the data much better and demonstrates that there are newspapers that combine strong evidence of indicators of the party press with strong evidence of indicators of the commercial press. As a consequence, the claim that marketization will necessarily lead to conflicts with the party appears to be mistaken. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Following the widely observed 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in the fall of 2022, observers brought to public attention the replacement of quite a few previously hopeful candidates for top positions in the CPC with ones that were not comparable in seniority and age but had all been colleagues of Xi Jinping before Xi became the top leader of China. Such an unexpected precedent-breaking arrangement was also seen in the selection of members of the new Central Military Commission (CMC). China still advocates the decades-old tenet that the Party commands the gun yet without forgetting at the same time the equally long-lasting principle that political power grows out of the barrel of a gun. Therefore, control over the military is essential to the consolidation of political power. That is where the pivotal role of the CMC comes into play. What are the strategic implications of the new line-up of the CMC after the 20th CPC National Congress? To the surprise of quite a few observers, Zhang Youxia retained his position as one of the two vice chairmen of the commission. The other vice chairman is He Weidong, a new addition to the CMC. The other two new members of the seven-person CMC, including President Xi, who serves concurrently as chairman of the commission, are Liu Zhenli, who is the Chief of the CMC Joint Staff Department, and Li Shangfu, the new defense minister. The other two members, including Miao Hua and Zhang Shengmin, have been on the commission since the 19th CPC National Congress. What are the considerations behind the reshuffle in China's top military decision-making and command body? All these questions are to be dealt with in this paper. The generals and admirals mentioned above shall be the subjects of analysis. Their backgrounds and specialties may be the reason why they were chosen for their positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the paradoxical impact of political legitimacy by exploring the relationship between legitimacy due to political inclusion by the state and subsequent strategic actions by entrepreneurs in both domestic and global contexts in a transition economy. We argue that political legitimacy conferred by the state affects a firm's strategies in different ways because it is associated with both benefits and constraints. Using a unique dataset of more than six thousand privately owned enterprises in China, we demonstrate that after an institutional change that permitted the inclusion of entrepreneurs into an elite political system (the Communist Party of China) in 2001, private firms became more motivated to invest in their domestic production but less incentivized to form international cooperation strategies. We further find that the impact of the legitimacy from political inclusion on domestic production was less pronounced for firms in places where the market economy was more established and when entrepreneurs are female. For entrepreneurs with past work experiences in the government or in state-owned enterprises, the negative impact of political inclusion on global cooperation was strengthened. These findings have important implications for research on legitimacy, entrepreneurship, and business strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of China Population Resources & Environment is the property of Shandong Normal University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Külgazdaság is the property of KOPINT Konjunktura Kutatasi Alapitvany and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The change that China has undergone in the past decades has 'mesmerised' the world, leading to statements claiming that the 21st century will 'belong' to that country. China has risen to become a global power, the world's factory, and a place where the speed of social change has no comparison. This paper offers an overview of the specificity of China's transformation from a centrally planned economy to a market economy, while maintaining the one-party rule of the Communist Party of China, with particular attention to the situation of women during these challenging times. The primary purpose of this paper is to propose the theoretical framework for further research on gender inequalities in post-reform China, which allows the complex situation of the 'mix' between the post-socialist state and the market economy to be taken into consideration. It suggests the need to go beyond the structural approach as the only way of challenging the dominant and changeable discourses and how they are being internalised and reproduced in everyday interactions under the interlocked systems of the state, culture and free market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the geopolitics of the Falun Gong (FLG) and how its practices challenge the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) authority within the Chinese state. Drawing upon Laclau and Mouffe's concept of discourse, I analyse the FLG's scriptures in order to understand how its millennial ideas of 'telling-truth/saving-life' and 'reviving five thousand years of civilization' have developed since the People's Republic of China's (PRC) ban and crackdown on the FLG since 1999. Based on the FLG's resources and my fieldwork data, this paper also demonstrates how the concepts of 'telling-truth/saving-life' were practised and coordinated globally. This paper presents the dynamic relationship between spirituality and geopolitics. It demonstrates how politics are spiritually interpreted and how critical spiritual discourses are converted to geopolitical practices that challenge the authority of an atheist state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Organization Department of the Communist Party of China (CPC) announced the Opinions on Further Regulation on Party and Political Leaders and Cadres Working Part-Time (Holding Offices) in Enterprises to force the resignation of government officials holding the position of independent director in listed companies (GID). This paper empirically examines the impact of the GID resignation on firm performance using a difference-in-differences (DID) model, which is an exogenous event with a "natural experiment." The study finds that after the promulgation of the Opinions , firms that lose some of their political resources and their corporate performance decreases significantly compared to firms that do not experience GID resignations. A good external governance environment, while somewhat weakening, is not sufficient to offset the negative impact of the loss of political resources on firm performance. This paper further explores the mechanism by which the GID resignation affects firm performance: one important way in which the resignation of GIDs cause the loss of political resources on which the firm's development depends is that the loss of the firm's tax benefits after GID resignation directly leads to a decline in performance; it also leads to a reduction in the firm's financial subsidy income and a reduction in the amount of bank loans, but both of these do not have a significant effect on the decline in firm performance. The study suggests that GIDs play more of a resource-providing "official" role than an "independent director's" supervisory and advisory role in Chinese listed companies. The findings of this paper reveal the phenomenon of "Political-Business Spin" in China, which has some implications for developing countries, represented by China, to improve the independence of the board of directors and the corporate governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the changes and continuities in TV representations of Chinese Communist Party's revolutionary history and interprets them within the broader context of China's political, economic and cultural transformations since the 1990s. Drawing on a comparative analysis of three state-sponsored TV dramas produced between the late 1990s and mid-2010s, it traces how the state-sanctioned revolutionary narratives have changed over time in response to the Party's propaganda imperatives on the one hand, and to the market-oriented production environment on the other. The paper argues that while recent TV productions in the new century have made increasing concessions to audience taste by adopting visually stimulating depictions and introducing fictional characters as points of identification for the audience, the revolutionary narratives were still aligned with the Party's propaganda agenda at different times. This shows the ongoing competition between ideological and commercial interests in Chinese TV production during the era of market reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Crises constitute ideal opportunities for authoritarian leaders to promote certain narratives, shaping reality in their favor and crafting their own preferred storylines about current events. In other words: they serve authoritarian leaders on a silver platter the opportunity to instrumentalize these unforeseen circumstances to gain domestic political legitimacy by promoting strategic narratives. The COVID-19 pandemic was no exception in this regard. Ever since its onset in early 2020, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was among the most active actors worldwide seeking to capitalize on the global crisis for legitimation purposes. Whether applying narratives of governance supremacy, portraying the People's Republic of China as a "global savior," or promoting emotionally appealing nationalistic narratives, the regime used the pandemic as a window of opportunity to rebrand its international role and enhance its domestic legitimacy. When observing the CCP's communication style over the course of 24 pandemic months (2020–2022), however, major shifts become apparent regarding the main narratives crafted in communication with national audiences. Based on this, the paper focuses on the role of such narratives for legitimation claims. Using exemplary media articles collected between the outbreak of the pandemic in China in late 2019 until the harsh Shanghai lockdown in spring 2022, it thus traces the narratives employed by Chinese state elites and explores how they are intertwined with nationalism and broader power claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese Communist Party has unleashed a campaign of repression against Turkic minorities residing in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). This campaign does not stop at China's borders. This study introduces the Transnational Repression of Uyghurs Dataset, which contains 7108 cases of Uyghurs being targeted in 44 states from 1997 to 2021, the largest public dataset on transnational repression published to date. Unlike other regimes, the Chinese state has been indiscriminate in its persecution, often pursuing apolitical diaspora members on account of their ethnicity rather than political activism. China's transnational repression of Uyghurs has expanded rapidly in recent years as domestic repression has increased in XUAR. We documented 238 incidents from 1997 to 2014, and an additional 6870 events since 2014. The paper argues that globalization is producing a new trend of transnational minority persecution, offering new insights for our understanding of twenty-first century genocides and minority persecution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Chinese sport policy and practice from 1949 to 1952 through an examination of the role of ideology in nation-building. Drawing on Gramsci's theory of cultural hegemony, this study examines the nature of the ideological domination by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) during this period and explores its sports policy and the political implications of this policy. Arguing that sport policy in the early years of the People's Republic of China (PRC) was shaped by ideological requirements, the paper demonstrates that the CCP viewed sport as not only essential for physical wellbeing and discipline but also for the proper functioning and stability of the new regime. Nationalism, Maoism and Sovietization together dominated China's sports policies in this period, though the CCP's dominant ideology included a tendency towards pragmaticism. This mixed ideology, anchored in pragmatism, helped the party-state achieve ideological hegemony in the superstructure of Chinese society in the early years of PRC. Sports policy and its implementation became both a means of achieving this hegemony and a cultural reflection of the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing insight from various museological concepts, such as "disciplinary museum" and "exhibition complex," I sketch a brief history of museums that first emerged in China during the mid‐nineteenth century. In this paper, the museums in China—from the late Qing dynasty (1850–1912) to the early Chinese economic reform period of the late 1970s and early 1980s—will be studied through a Foucauldian lens to further illuminate the nation's museum history. By studying four types of museums—China's first foreign museums, private museums, the Kuomintang museums, and the Chinese Communist Party museums—I explore how these institutions provided the public with different modes of consciousness and civil identity and how individuals respond to the cultural effects of museums. Whereas museums had been utilized as an instrument for different political parties, I aim to show how discourse has been radically transformed while these institutions represent the administrative mechanisms throughout different periods. I hope to initiate a discussion for future studies on how the contemporary museological phenomenon might be linked to the reminiscence of museums in the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars and analysts have sought to clarify the Chinese Communist Party's motives for carrying out the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a series of infrastructure investments in countries across the globe. While many emphasize Beijing's geopolitical interests, this paper argues that the BRI should also be understood as a large-scale effort to create business activities for Chinese companies and workers outside of China. We define the contours of this "building out" strategy by analyzing the stages that typify BRI projects: project selection, project financing, project construction, and post-construction operation and management. Our analysis draws, in large part, on data that we have compiled from a sample of BRI projects. After showing macro-level trends in the data, we offer three in-depth case studies to clarify the underlying mechanisms at work. Our findings suggest that BRI projects are engineered to direct finance and construction bids to Chinese companies, which are typically state-owned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In discussing government responses to the COVID-19 pandemic, the leadership of local officials is an important dimension that has been studied less than other aspects. From the perspective of political incentives, this paper empirically investigates the effect of the personal characteristics of municipal leaders, mainly their tenure of office and political rotation, on the prevention and control of the COVID-19 epidemic at the city level. The results indicate a negative relationship between tenure of office and the diagnostic rate of COVID-19. The experience of having diverse political rotation has strong positive effects on the prevention and control of the COVID-19 epidemic, especially in places with higher infection risks and better health resources. Due to the division of labor and cooperation between the Communist Party of China and the government, municipal party secretaries and mayors play different roles in the prevention and control of the COVID-19 epidemic. The findings contribute to understanding the dynamic relationship among political incentives, bureaucratic behaviors and performance in the anti-epidemic process in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poverty-stricken areas in China have the dual task of alleviating poverty and safeguarding national ecological security. Based on statistical surveys and satellite remote sensing data, we construct a staggered difference-in-difference model to empirically analyze the dual impact of poverty alleviation on the economic development and eco-environment of poverty-stricken areas. This study also examines viable pathways for economic development in poor areas in the context of ecological conservation. The results show that the poverty eradication campaign under the leadership of the Communist Party of China has significantly improved the rate of economic growth in poverty-stricken areas while also significantly improving the quality of the local eco-environment. Further analysis shows that ecological projects and ecological compensation make the greatest contribution to promoting the conversion of ecological resources into economic output in poverty-stricken areas. China's successful experience in green poverty alleviation can not only provide important policy enlightenment for the nation's continuation of its comprehensive revitalization drive in rural areas, but also provide new options for other developing countries to achieve their green take-off. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The report to the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China mentioned that China is facing tightening resource and environmental constraints, environmental pollution, and other issues, and the energy-consuming right trading policy is a key measure to promote green, circular, and low-carbon development in China. Under the dual consideration of ecological benefits and economic benefits, this paper took the pilot launch of energy-consuming trading as a quasi-natural experiment and used panel data from 31 provinces in China from 2009 to 2020 and the different-in-differences method to explore the impact of this policy on the optimization and upgrading of China's industrial structure. The study showed that: (J) The energy-consuming right trading policy could promote the optimization and upgrading of the industrial structure, and the promotion effect on the upgrading of the industrial structure outweighed its adverse impact on the rationalization of the industrial structure, as evidenced by a series of robustness tests. © The mechanism analysis showed that the realization paths of industrial structure upgrading were the upgrading of technological innovation and that of energy consumption structure, and the policy suppressed the adverse impact on the rationalization of industrial structure by improving the input structure and output structure of some industrial sectors. © In addition, the pilot policy of energy-consuming rights had obvious regional heterogeneity for the optimization and upgrading of industrial structure, which significantly promoted the upgrading of industrial structure in the central and western regions and the rationalization of industrial structure in the eastern regions. This study provides some policy references for the optimization and upgrading of industrial structure from the perspective of improving the energy-consuming right trading market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the impact on firm value of tighter checks on bureaucrats' behaviour. We use as a natural experiment the revision in 2015 by the Communist Party of China (CPC) of its regulations on disciplinary actions. We document a positive and substantial market reaction following this unexpected policy change that tightened and formalised constraints on bureaucrats' misconduct. The impact is less pronounced for firms with state ownership, firms having CEOs or directors with CPC membership, and firms that operate in provinces with better institutional quality. The subsequent revision in 2018 that enforced political obedience is not associated with a positive market reaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After a lengthy negotiation between the Vatican and the Chinese government over decades, both parties signed a provisional agreement on 22 September 2018. Although they did not reveal the details to the public, both sides made a compromise on the appointment of the bishop, which is the crucial part of the conflict. Among those religions in China, the Chinese government paid much more attention upon the Catholic Church. One of the reasons would be the similarity of two entities, that is the centralization of power on one person. The current policies like restricting children going to church, dismantling the cross of the church, no Christmas decoration or promotion during Christmas, which give negative impact upon the Catholic Church, while the Beijing government signed the provisional agreement on the appointment of the bishop. Pope Francis unlike his predecessor does not excommunicate those bishops ordained without the Pope's approval but resumes their episcopal duties, while the Catholic Church in China is still under persecution. How to understand the underlying reasons of the move of the CCP and the Vatican in this agreement? This paper will investigate the nature and principles of religious policy in China and the Vatican's stance on China affairs in the light of a theologico-political polemic. This paper will first try to elucidate the theologico-political polemic. Then it will review the Sino-Vatican interaction since 1949 looking at how the CCP and the Vatican responded to this theologico-political polemic. Finally, the Sino-Vatican provisional agreement will be evaluated in perspective or in light of this history. Is the provisional agreement a step towards the solution of the theologico-political polemic in China?. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interpretations of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) mostly agree that it is a policy opening that offers some remedies for China's economic and security challenges, as well as reflects China's increasing regional and global ambitions. This paper argues that the multiple drivers characterizing the BRI result from the multiple identities of China as a developing country struggling with several sources of instability and macroeconomic problems and, simultaneously, a regional and an emerging power, and finally a major global power with significant economic capacity to shape the global economic order. The paper aims to substantiate the entanglement of the defensive and ambitious motivations behind the BRI by examining the background against which the Chinese Communist Party leadership has suggested it. In so doing, it draws on Chinese official policy documents and statistics, speeches from Chinese leaders and existing social-scientific research on the transformation of China's economic and political landscape in recent years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper mainly introduces and studies public objectives and instruments in educational policies that authorities can use to improve and evaluate the quality of postgraduate cultivation in China. Under the political environment in the state, the standard for the quality of postgraduate education first includes graduate students in higher education institutions who support the leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC), educational authorities formulate, and implement policies and regulations surrounding postgraduate education under the leadership of the Party committees as well. From the political perspective, moral cultivation should become an important indicator in the evaluation of the quality of postgraduate education. Specific policy instruments including examination and admission systems, graduation requirements, and performance evaluations are designed to increase knowledge and academic skills or allow students to better perform work in their future careers. Although these policy instruments have played some roles in improving the quality of postgraduate cultivation in practice, some associated social negative phenomena also appear in the field, such as academic misconduct, excessive academic and psychological pressure of postgraduate students, etc. The moral cultivation and psychological health should be measured and assessed while evaluating the quality of postgraduate education. The public objectives surrounding the higher education in political level could provide some useful and constructive recommendations to improve the evaluation system that guides the development of postgraduate education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the doctrine of 'keeping a low profile (KLP), attaining some achievement (ASA)' was developed, there has been much attention and study of the KLP, but little discussion of the ASA. However, it is exactly how the ASA has been observed that can well reflect Chinese perception of its global role. In the paper, the ASA is treated as a continuum or a fluid concept with changing values. There have been significant adjustments in the official expression of the ASA doctrine since the 2008 global financial crisis, from the original 'attaining some achievement' to 'proactively attaining achievement' around 2011, 'striving for achievement' in 2013, and 'striving for achievement in a new era' in 2017. Along with these changes, there have been roughly three rounds of debates on the ASA among Chinese scholars. While they generally agree on more proactive diplomacy in attaining achievement, scholars have debated on what achievements to attain and how to attain these achievements. While the ultimate goal is defined officially as Chinese rejuvenation, specific and interim goals of 'striving for achievement' in scholarly debates have targeted mainly China's strategic capability, institutional power and normative power. Chinese scholars have also debated on the general principles, diplomatic style and tactics that China should follow by focusing on three relationships: the relationship between the KLP and the ASA, the Sino-US relationship, and the relationship between China and the international system. The author provides an analytical framework and thorough examination of the development of the ASA doctrine, and presents the scholarly debates along its development path, in the hope that this study may facilitate the understanding of the outside world on how China perceives its global role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the deleveraging impact of the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) on private firms with political connections, relative to those without political connections. Design/methodology/approach: In this paper, taking the anti-corruption campaign employed from the end of 2012 as an exogenous shock, the authors design a quasi-experiment difference-in-difference approach to examine how the loss and failure of political connections impacts private firms' debt financing. Findings: The authors find that the loss and failure of political connections following the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th CPC National Congress causes the yearly new debt ratios of treatment firms with political connections to decrease, relative to those of control firms without political connections. This outcome is more pronounced for provinces with more cadres excluded in the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th CPC National Congress, which rendered politically connected firms susceptible to lose connections with central or provincial cadres. To explore the mechanism, the authors find that following the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th CPC National Congress, politically connected firms limit rent-seeking activities, whereas resource acquisition is weakened. The authors also find that the impact of the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th CPC National Congress on the debt financing of politically connected firms, relative to their counterparts, is more pronounced for groups with high levels of information asymmetry and for less explicit guarantee groups. Finally, politically connected firms are more likely to be dominated by internal funds in dealing with a loss of advantages in debt financing, compared with their counterparts without political connections. Research limitations/implications: The findings in this study suggest that the loss or failure of previous political connections following Xi's anti-corruption campaign make politically connected firms lose the advantages in debt financing through the rent-seeking, resource acquisition, information asymmetry, implicit guarantee channels, which provide new evidence for research on the impact of the anti-corruption campaign since the 18th CPC National Congress on private firms' financing behaviors via the loss or failure of existing political connections. Practical implications: The findings in the study will have some inspiration for policy makers and entrepreneur. Originality/value: This study provides new evidence on the different impacts of Xi's anti-corruption campaign on private firm's debt financing between politically connected and unconnected firms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]