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The Review of Radical Political Economics is calling for papers for a special issue on climate change and capitalism. The journal is seeking manuscripts that provide a range of critical political economic perspectives on the topic, as well as a variety of methods, approaches, and geographic focuses. They particularly encourage submissions from climate activists, scholars in the Global South, early career researchers, and scholars from historically excluded groups. The journal provides a list of possible subjects for the special issue, including theoretical and empirical interventions, historical or contemporary analyses, critiques of economic analysis, and models of climate justice and anti-capitalist struggles. Submissions must adhere to the journal's guidelines and will undergo peer review. [Extracted from the article]

When asked what "type" of manuscript you are submitting, please check the box that says, "Climate Change and Capitalism." All submissions will undergo I RRPE i 's regular peer review procedures and must not be under review with any other publication. [Extracted from the article]

This paper defends strong emissions sufficientarianism as an approach to assigning moral rights to generate greenhouse gas emissions. Strong emissions sufficientarianism holds that only subsistence emitting is morally permissible. This paper argues that, since it is uncertain how many subsistence emissions there will be, the present generation owes it to future generations to refrain from generating non-subsistence emissions, not to risk imposing on them a tragic choice between sacrificing themselves and contributing to very dangerous climate change. The paper also addresses the charge that emissions sufficientarianism, in general, is too permissive since it entails a right to contribute to very dangerous climate change. The overall message is that, given the moral urgency posed by climate change, there is little room for distributive principles besides emissions sufficientarianism. This casts doubt on the appropriateness of relying on carbon budgets in assigning rights to emit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AI chatbots such as ChatGPT help people produce texts. According to media reporting, these texts are also used for educational purposes. Thus, AI influences people's knowledge and perception of current issues. This paper examines the narrative of ChatGPT's stories on climate change. Our explorative analysis reveals that ChatGPT's stories on climate change show a relatively uniform structure and similar content. Generally, the narrative is in line with scientific knowledge on climate change; the stories convey no significant misinformation. However, specific topics in current debates on global warming are conspicuously missing. According to the ChatGPT narrative, humans as a species are responsible for climate change and specific economic activities or actors associated with carbon emissions play no role. Analogously, the social structuration of vulnerability to climate impacts and issues of climate justice are hardly addressed. ChatGPT's narrative consists of de-politicized stories that are highly optimistic about technological progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Early industrialization of the developed countries has enabled their leadership in technological innovation, including environmentally sound technologies. ESTs are technologies that help prevent, control, or reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Endorsed as an integral part of climate action, a binding obligation to ensure access for global south to these technologies remains missing from international environment law and international intellectual property rights law. Transfer of technology also faces certain economic barriers such as lack of infrastructure and human resources that enable adoption and absorption of ESTs. Moreover, there exists ideological differences between developed countries and developing and least developed countries regarding mechanism of technology transfer, creating an impasse in international negotiations to achieve EST transfer. In this paper the author has attempted to reframe the discussion on transfer of ESTs through a climate justice perspective. An incorporation of the practical aspects of the common but differentiated responsibilities of the developed countries into the TRIPS regime, in the form of binding obligations to technology transfer and financial assistance, or relaxations in patent protections, may provide adequate resolution. A balanced and rational approach to EST transfer, beyond the exigencies of global politics, is necessary for the continued prosperity of the Earth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on climate change adaptation is increasingly moving from incremental responses to climate injustice towards transformative approaches that deliberately change systems to achieve just and equitable outcomes. A transformative understanding of climate justice is relatively new and evidence of how this could be achieved is in its infancy. In this paper, we conceptualise transformative climate justice as comprised of three subcomponents: (1) inclusive justice (seeking to ensure that no one, especially the most vulnerable, is left behind), (2) epistemological justice (drawing upon diverse knowledges and worldviews), and (3) restorative justice (healing and restoration of communities and the environment). We then present examples of how different local communities in the Philippines are experimenting with climate adaptation strategies that embody these three components of transformative climate justice. Through case studies of communities in Itbayat (Batanes), Tambaliza (Iloilo), and Barangay Assumption (Koronadal), we demonstrate how their adaptive strategies contribute to community and ecological resilience. We find that transformative climate justice arises from mundane and everyday struggles, takes place at the “middle place” between top-down and bottom-up initiatives, and requires a deliberate redistribution of power to counter decision-making processes that reproduce injustices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change threatens hard won progress in the education and life outcomes of adolescent girls in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) by compounding the harmful effects of gender inequality and poverty. In recent years, there has been a rise in global advocacy for gender transformative education for climate justice that addresses the underlying gender inequalities driving climate vulnerability for adolescent girls in LMICs. But, has the international development and education community responded to this call? This paper seeks to establish a baseline for answering this question through a landscape analysis of actors working on issues of gender and climate change with youth, especially girls, as well as a landscape analysis of publicly available curricular materials on climate justice and gender equality. We find that although there are many nongovernmental efforts focused on different entry points into the nexus of gender, education, leadership, and climate change, there is much more room for aligning gender equality and climate justice programming for girls. This paper highlights the gaps and opportunities for doing so and offers a taxonomy of programming approaches to guide actors and their collaborators toward more intersectional educational programming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that climate injustice will be compounded in the future as a result of the deferred nature of many climate impacts. My claim is that the temporal disconnect between emissions and climate harm threatens future people's ability to access what I call "resistance goods," which rely on forms of address, often realised in oppositional political action. I identify three resistance goods--self-assertion, solidarity and testimony--and show that each is threatened by the temporality of climate change. A compound of climate injustice is that it will be experienced as demeaning, isolating and silencing by many future people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today, populism is widely understood to entail an exclusionary conception of "the people" that threatens climate change action. While this threat is real, I argue that populism itself can be understood as a response to perceived exclusion and marginalization, making it possible to conceptualize a more heterogeneous conception of populism's "people." Examining two approaches to climate change action rooted in contrasting conceptions of the people and the elite, I argue that climate justice organizing offers a promising effort to construct a heterogeneous people and offers a powerful critique of the elite representation of climate change action in which "we are all in this together." Yet along with this promise, climate justice organizing must navigate tensions that are inescapable within any populist formation. One neglected thread of populist history and theory offers resources for doing so; in the final section of this paper, I explore its relevance to climate justice today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the imaginings of sustainable futures and possibilities for action toward these imaginings articulated by social studies teachers. Participant stories about a day in the life of an imagined future largely leave intact major systems and discourses including those which have actively contributed to problems they identify including climate change. I argue that weakened imaginations and aspirations of possibility function to increase toleration for the most traumatic ecological tragedies both impending and already unfolding. Importantly for the field of social studies education, this data illustrates that while teacher participants consistently articulated desires to include issues of climate crisis in their social studies classrooms, they lack robust understandings of the possibilities for action in the face of complex environmental or climate justice challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been an increase in interest in the use of green finance as a strategy for urban climate finance and climate adaptation. However, limited discussions have focused on the use of green finance, particularly in addressing climate change-induced urban displacements. This study addresses this research gap by examining green finance as a climate adaptation instrument for responding to climate-induced urban displacements in Zimbabwe. The research adopts a qualitative approach, using literature reviews and document analysis as data collection methods. The paper explores Zimbabwe's response strategies, policies, and institutional frameworks through a case study approach. The research finds that green finance can be a viable strategy for achieving climate justice for people in urban areas displaced due to climate change. However, the analysis also highlights some challenges and opportunities associated with using green finance as a climate adaptation strategy for dealing with urban displacements. The paper recommends strengthening green finance mobilisation at the local government level to reduce dependency on multilateral funds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change has a broad range of health impacts and tackling climate change could be the greatest opportunity for improving global health this century. Yet conversations on climate change and health are often incomplete, giving little attention to structural discrimination and the need for racial justice. Racism kills, and climate change kills. Together, racism and climate change interact and have disproportionate effects on the lives of minoritised people both within countries and between the Global North and the Global South. This paper has three main aims. First, to survey the literature on the unequal health impacts of climate change due to racism, xenophobia, and discrimination through a scoping review. We found that racially minoritised groups, migrants, and Indigenous communities face a disproportionate burden of illness and mortality due to climate change in different contexts. Second, this paper aims to highlight inequalities in responsibility for climate change and the effects thereof. A geographical visualisation of responsibility for climate change and projected mortality and disease risk attributable to climate change per 100 000 people in 2050 was conducted. These maps visualise the disproportionate burden of illness and mortality due to climate change faced by the Global South. Our third aim is to highlight the pathways through which climate change, discrimination, and health interact in most affected areas. Case studies, testimony, and policy analysis drawn from multidisciplinary perspectives are presented throughout the paper to elucidate these pathways. The health community must urgently examine and repair the structural discrimination that drives the unequal impacts of climate change to achieve rapid and equitable action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes inspiration from the Indigenous Fijian practice of 'curui' – weaving or patching together – as a metaphor to explore connections between climate justice, gender equality, and education in Fijian policies and practices. The paper argues that neither gender equality nor education can be 'silver bullets' for the huge challenges that the climate crisis raises, particularly for small island developing states (SIDS) such as Fiji that exist at the sharp end of the crisis. The paper contributes close analysis of Fijian national climate change policies and development plans from 2010, identifying the ways in which these policies frame and discuss the connections between climate, gender, and education, and asking whether these policies acknowledge traditional ecological knowledges, and the extent to which they are aligned with notions of justice. It argues that connected approaches to education, centred in Indigenous knowledges and ontologies, have thus far been insufficiently included in Fiji's policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on 'climate migration' has traditionally focussed on the forced movement of people caused by the environmental impacts of climate change. However, this is only one part of the nexus between human movement and climate change. Consequently, researchers drawing on the 'mobilities paradigm', particularly those examining the topic of 'mobility justice', have sought to develop more encompassing conceptualisations of 'climate mobilities'. In synthesising the different trajectories of this work, this paper identifies four key themes emerging within early 'climate (im)mobilities' scholarship. First, research on the way climate-related movement and stasis are represented and imagined. Second, examination of climate change's impact on existing and ontologically significant (im)mobility practices. Third, analysis of the power relations that are enacted through climate (im)mobilities. And fourth, study of the inter-scalar nature of climate change-based (im)mobilities connecting disparate local mobility practices through their relationship to climate change. Research findings based on these themes are providing holistic accounts of the relationship between climate change and movement, and thus laying the groundwork for informed justice-based interventions in climate (im)mobility systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The experiences of overseas territories and how their varying degrees of self‐governance influence climate (in)action are overlooked topics, even though these places are often highly impacted by climate change. Analysing the situation of the Dutch Kingdom demonstrates some of these challenges. The Kingdom consists of the European Netherlands and the Caribbean islands of Aruba, Curacao, St Maarten, Bonaire, St Eustatius and Saba. Out of these, the Caribbean islands are the most vulnerable to climate change, while the European Netherlands has contributed the most to it. This can be seen as climate injustice. Access to mitigation and adaptation mechanisms mentioned in international agreements could be beneficial to these Caribbean islands. However, the international climate change agreements have only entered into force for the European part of the Kingdom and not the Caribbean part due to a territorial limitation. This has several consequences, and this paper highlights two. First, the requirement that greenhouse gas emissions should be reduced does not apply to the islands, which leaves room for unsustainable activities but also overlooks their need for adaptation and compensation for loss and damage. Second, access to climate finance instruments is limited as the Dutch Caribbean islands are seen as part of the Kingdom and therefore do not qualify for international assistance. Within the European Union, funds are available but access to these is not guaranteed, as the experience with recovery after Hurricane Irma demonstrates. These examples show that the issues around climate justice have been insufficiently resolved. There is a need for a long‐term climate strategy within the Kingdom along with complementary funding. Until then, climate litigation could assist in enforcing a duty of care by local governments and the Kingdom to protect inhabitants by using the human rights framework. This would also create a roadmap for other territories in similar circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Young people's ongoing, necessary confrontation with painful and distressing realities exacerbated by ecological precarity in diverse contexts has profound implications for formal education systems. Additionally, educational policy in many contexts has been slow to respond to the urgency of addressing climate change, nor has most policy robustly conceptualized a vision for climate justice education. Centering the voices of three young climate justice activists (ages 16–20) in Canada through a qualitative study, this paper explores possible educational responses that recognize the embodied consequences of climate injustice and inaction on youth mental health and well-being. Through their encounters with activism in collective, justice-centered movements, these young people articulate how their commitments to creating more life-affirming and equitable realities by challenging current economic and political structures and discourses are integral dimensions of their efforts to be and feel well (hopeful and purposeful) in a context of pronounced uncertainty and distress. Despite these possibilities, youth participants describe the overwhelming and complex emotions they are grappling with as they face dispiriting projections for the future. These growing challenges are an opportunity to reconsider common "apolitical" and individualized approaches to citizenship, climate and environmental education. Findings suggest that supporting youth to act thoughtfully and impactfully in transforming cultural, economic and political structures and systems that reproduce harm can be a way to nurture meaning, purpose and hope. Additionally, youth participants advocate for integrating robust resources and support within formal education institutions to assist in collectively processing the emotional and psychological impacts of climate injustice. At the same time, findings suggest that the participating youth did not yet integrate conceptions of ecological interrelationship or interconnection in their approaches, offering possible avenues for further pedagogical development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Growing evidence shows cities' climate change efforts can worsen inequities and social injustices. This paper starts to formulate a normative conception of social justice for urban climate change planning. It identifies what dimensions of social justice are articulated and how they are defined in the literature on equity in urban planning for climate change. It shows at least five dimensions are pertinent: creating transformations, promoting the well-being of the socially marginalized, recognition, inclusion in decision-making, and distributive justice. The paper concludes by discussing where further developments are needed to generate a comprehensive account of equitable urban planning for climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ambitious climate action is crucial to achieve social justice and peaceful development in the next decades. However, the current geopolitical and geoeconomic context runs counter to meaningful climate action. In fact, in 2023, global emissions were higher than ever, and future reduction prospects look grim, as Green New Deal policies are facing significant political, economic, and geostrategic challenges on both sides of the Atlantic. Against this backdrop, it is more important than ever to think out of the box in order to build alliances among social movements for an immediate reduction of emissions. Thus, this paper aims to critically explore the role that human rights can play to achieve climate justice in this context, not only as only as legal instruments, but also as a promising narrative of change that includes planetary boundaries and the central imperative of global and national redistribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is timely to investigate how essential workers may be incorporated into existing understandings of just transition, and whether and how such workers have been addressed in discussions on just transition under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). In so doing, one might better understand the relationship of essential workers to the achievement of the Paris goals, and assess entry points for making such connections explicit. Three approaches to the concept of just transition, drawn from a study conducted by Dimitris Stevis and Romain Felli, provide a useful reference point for how the concept of a just transition is understood by different actors. This paper extends the framework to consider how, under each of the three orientations, essential workers may be relevant to a just transition. The paper then applies the framework to the corpus of decisions, reports, declarations, and submissions that make up the written record of discussions on just transition taking place under the UNFCCC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Urgenda judgement in 2019 has paved the way for courts in Global North jurisdictions to root out strong links between human rights and the climate crisis. The UNEP Global Climate Litigation Report 2023 recognises that climate litigation is growing globally as a key tool in delivering climate justice. The report has unearthed human rights linkages to climate change and how this is leading to greater protections for vulnerable groups is society as well as compelling governments to pursue more ambitious mitigation and adaptation climate goals. This paper interrogates these statements within a transboundary climate litigation framework and considers, inter alia the global character of climate change and its influence in the courts' reasoning. The objective of this study is to consider these claims by analysing the lens through which judges in Global North jurisdictions have viewed the climate crisis in comparison to their counterparts in other jurisdictions. This study is based on landmark transnational cases and considers how if, at all, the human rights turn has traversed to Global South jurisdictions. The anticipated findings will contribute to understanding the role and obligations of courts as part of securing climate justice for people using a rights-based approach in litigation in different jurisdictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the Lockean proviso can be utilized as a relevant principle of justice for food security under global climate change. Since reducing GHG emissions is key to enhancing food security, we suggest a global food security scheme that systematically allots, among all people, access to GHG sinks in food systems impacted by global climate change. For consideration of the scheme, it is important to have a principle of justice. Furthermore, it should incorporate the value of fairness. A relevant principle of climate justice for food security should meet the following criteria: (1) the parties concerned under the scheme are states; (2) fairness does not undermine the requirement that the basic needs of all people must be met; (3) when determining fair burdens, a fair distribution of the rights to use GHG sinks should be sensitive both to each state's responsibility for its GHG emissions and to (4) each state's effort to reduce such emissions. With them in mind, first, we argue that the Lockean proviso can provide legitimate guidance for each state. Second, the Lockean proviso reasonably enjoins that a state has a right to a food system that secures its citizens' basic needs, and a duty to meet the basic needs of other people. Third, the Lockean proviso can be deployed as a principle of both global justice and intergenerational justice for food security. Finally, the Lockean proviso enables us to count the reduction of GHG emissions by each state as "the fruits of its labors". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an ongoing debate among climate activists and scholars on the merits of 'climate emergency' frames, which mirrors debates in critical security studies on the benefits and risks of 'securitization'. Climate emergency advocates demonstrate that rapid transformative action beyond 'normal' politics is needed to meet the Paris agreement targets. Critics, on the other hand, highlight the risks of deploying emergency frames to galvanize climate action, which may simply result in failed securitizations or even in emergency suspensions of democratic norms that advance climate action at the expense of climate justice. This paper will engage this debate by exploring the question: could climate emergency mobilizations be compatible with climate justice? I will argue, following Andreas Kalyvas, that the climate emergency can be framed as an opportunity for an 'extraordinary politics' of democratic constituent power, though this would involve risks and trade-offs that must be negotiated in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has discussed our approach to sustainability at UQ Art Museum under the banner of our multi-year programming and research arc Blue Assembly. We considered two non-exhibition initiatives that took place in the first year of the project: carbon-neutral certification for the first Blue Assembly exhibition, Oceanic Thinking (Season One), and the summer workshop that took place for The Clam's Kiss | Sogi a le Faisua, on Quandamooka Country. Our work towards achieving carbon-neutral event status was born out of a sense of responsibility to the communities that we serve, including in the Country we are on, the university, and the wider public. As Janes and Sandell posit, public institutions such as ours have a responsibility to address climate change alongside other social issues. The workshop -- which centred First Nations knowledge and cultural practices and evolved through a series of in-person dialogues on Country -- represents an equally important element of our approach to sustainability parallel to our carbon-neutral certification; it is a crucial part of our efforts to grapple with the recurring legacies of colonisation. If climate change is a continuation of the violence and privations of colonialism -- and we accept that it is -- then the work of climate justice and sustainability is inseparable from the ongoing work of decolonising museum practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Advancing equity and justice in climate action planning (CAP) presents a considerable challenge for urban governance actors. This paper provides necessary and practical guidance for developing participatory approaches that help planners avoid perpetuating dominant knowledge systems and corresponding planning interventions that have brought us to the current state of climate change and social inequity. Advancing equity and justice in CAP requires reflexive, participatory practice that centers vulnerable residents and supports communication across differences in social position and systems of meaning. These actions require a fuller accounting of the underlying social processes that drive vulnerability to climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vulnerable locations, such as coastlines, are at a high risk of loss and damage. Such places will suffer deleterious impacts as climate change impacts are increasingly realized. As societies try to adapt to these impacts, managed or planned retreat—aimed at moving people and assets away from vulnerable locations—is gaining increased attention. Despite this increased attention, systematic literature reviews of the retreat literature remain scarce. This paper undertakes such review and uncovers a marked increase in retreat scholarly research papers in the past 5 years. An analysis of 135 managed and planned retreat journal articles is completed. Findings include a strong emphasis on regional or local case studies exploring governance, policy or institutional settings and levers across a range of geographies. Property rights and market interventions, such as compensation schemes, evidence the prevalence of neoliberal predilections. This emphasizes the importance of renewed engagement with political economy scholarship vis-à-vis climate change adaptation, also supported by the sharp increase in the evidenced social and environmental justice impacts. This article is part of the theme issue 'Nurturing resilient marine ecosystems'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because contemporary climate change is driven by anthropogenic forcings, it is necessary to factor humanity's impact into climate models. Given that not all humans are responsible for current climate change, and that many people are already unequally impacted by climate change, it is necessary to develop a more nuanced understanding of the human in climate modeling. Without this nuance, future climate policy, as determined by climate modeling, will potentially replicate historic inequalities that are already present in attributions to and impacts from a rapidly changing climate. This paper begins by briefly outlining how climate models are built, and the ways they are used in climate politics. Then, borrowing methods from climate modelers, this paper turns towards Sylvia Wynter's work to model the human. The ultimate aim of this paper is to think more expansively and creatively about how genres of humanity can better be represented in climate science and policy with an eye towards more just futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are already witnessing climate-induced migration and thus must prepare to address the next decades of even more human mobility as a consequence of the climate disruption crisis. Fifty years after the Stockholm Conference, international environmental law still needs solutions to protect those persons most vulnerable to environmental harm. This paper seeks to focus on the concept of reparative justice as the theme and attitude of legal solutions, so as to refocus legal tools to provide relief to those persons who are displaced and dispossessed because of the climate disruption crisis. In this paper, we present possibilities for a reparative climate justice regime that could help to break the current cycle of harm and denial in which states are currently embroiled within international climate negotiations. This focus considers how careful solutions such as credit within the financial mechanisms under the Paris Agreement, in a spirit of trust and solidarity, could contribute to legal solutions to climate migration problems. The paper first iterates the scope and history of climate-induced migration in international law and then presents the case for reparations as a strong legal response to climate-induced migration, before finally exploring the legal avenues within international climate law wherein reparative justice and financing could potentially operate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are already witnessing climate-induced migration and thus must prepare to address the next decades of even more human mobility as a consequence of the climate disruption crisis. Fifty years after the Stockholm Conference, international environmental law still needs solutions to protect those persons most vulnerable to environmental harm. This paper seeks to focus on the concept of reparative justice as the theme and attitude of legal solutions, so as to refocus legal tools to provide relief to those persons who are displaced and dispossessed because of the climate disruption crisis. In this paper, we present possibilities for a reparative climate justice regime that could help to break the current cycle of harm and denial in which states are currently embroiled within international climate negotiations. This focus considers how careful solutions such as credit within the financial mechanisms under the Paris Agreement, in a spirit of trust and solidarity, could contribute to legal solutions to climate migration problems. The paper first iterates the scope and history of climate-induced migration in international law and then presents the case for reparations as a strong legal response to climate-induced migration, before finally exploring the legal avenues within international climate law wherein reparative justice and financing could potentially operate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a response to comments made by researchers from the Universidad de Sevilla regarding a paper on extending climate justice to animals. The authors of the response agree with the commenters that the Iberian Lynx population has increased due to conservation efforts, but they clarify that their paper was not intended as a critique of these measures. The purpose of their paper is to discuss how to help wild animals cope with climate change, using the Iberian Lynx as an illustrative case. They argue that while the population has increased, the species is still at risk of extinction due to climate change. The authors also address the commenters' mention of the lack of originality in their proposed conservation measures, stating that their intention was to examine the moral implications of intervention strategies. Overall, the authors emphasize the importance of climate justice for animals, including the Iberian Lynx. [Extracted from the article]

This paper aims to explore how the principles of participatory action research (PAR) articulate with questions of climate justice. Drawing on three qualitative case studies in Brazil, Fiji and Kenya, the paper explores university institutional capabilities, asking how the principles of mobilising PAR to support transformative outcomes can further climate justice. The paper argues that for participatory action research to become a pathway to build universities' capabilities, key considerations are needed. PAR needs to: (a) move beyond change in individual behaviour to respond to climate change and affect institutional norms, procedures and practices; (b) recognise and partner with marginalised groups whose voice and experiences are at the periphery of climate debate, enabling reciprocal flows of impact and knowledge between universities and wider societies; and (c) foster "relationships of equivalence" with actors within as well as outside university to influence university governance and wider climate-related policy-making processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an overview of emerging research at the Manifest Data Lab a collective of artists and climate scientists who employ climate data experimentally in public settings. We discuss one of our projects The Carbon Chronicles, a reverse-engineered climate data set, projected on prominent public buildings in London during the period of COP26. Our approach examines the potential of climate data visualisations to operate as a public form that surface issues of climate justice and historic responsibilities. We report on the project's methodological framing, production and associated artistic strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Philosophers have distinguished at least three different interpretations of Rawls's difference principle. This principle claims that social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged. My aim in this paper is to show that according to the most attractive and plausible interpretation of that principle, which I call the reciprocity view, Rawls's difference principle allows us to limit economic growth in order to preserve nature and protect the interests of future generations, while still meeting the demands of justice concerning the least advantaged members of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Motivation: As governments move in earnest toward a green economy, few countries are considering education policy that can facilitate the development of green skills for such transitions. Where policy discussions are happening, green skills are often conflated with science, technology, engineering, and maths (STEM) skills, with little attention to the breadth of green skills needed to achieve climate justice. Purpose: We present a green skills framework to help support policy stakeholders imagine a continuum of green skills for a just transition. Methods and approach: This article applies a critical feminist lens to understand how green skills have been conceptualized across the gender and adolescence, greening and sustainability, and education fields. It also integrates the perspectives of stakeholders from climate, education, and gender‐focused multilateral, government, and non‐governmental organizations working on green skills. Findings The analysis finds that green skills coalesce around three distinct but overlapping paradigms. The first understands green skills through a technical lens as the specific capacities needed for green jobs. The second and third paradigms understand green skills through a sociological lens, seeking to tackle the behaviours and social structures driving the climate crisis. As such, they centre on cross‐cutting generic capacities and transformative capacities, respectively. Taken together, the article offers a new definition of green skills for policy stakeholders. Policy implications: The three approaches to green skills outlined in this paper constitute the pillars of a new green learning agenda for climate action, climate empowerment, and climate justice. This green learning agenda fills a significant void in both climate policy and education policy, and could help governments address current capacity building needs while setting their populations up for the long‐term social transformations required to achieve a just transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to achieve climate transition goals, international and European policies are moving forward in the reduction of toxic gases in the atmosphere, coordinating the action of member states, which are showing increasing resolve in combating climate change, through the instrument of ordinary legislation. However, the Italian legal system is still reluctant to adopt concrete measures in this field. In comparison with other states, the Climate Decree and the goals of the PNRR appear timid steps against climate change. This paper aims to analyze the critical profiles and future prospects of domestic climate regulation and its implementation, hoping that the environmental constitutional amendment of 2022 might give new strength to Italian climate justice, still in its infancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is broad consensus around the need for an energy transition already underway in many parts of the world. While far from abandoning fossil fuels, the presiding transition put forward by governments as a solution to the climate crisis is unfolding in spatially uneven ways. Contingent upon ever-expanding extractivism, the proposed transition stands to reproduce colonial patterns of inequality and environmental damage in global South countries. The plausibility on material grounds is empirically questionable; what this article is concerned with, however, are the ethical implications of dominant narratives of socioenvironmental transition, especially those that normalise a particular view of society and nature as anthropocentric. Taking the case of young Ecuadorians and their attitudes towards ecological problems, this author examines how their perspectives, in some instances dialogue with, and in other cases diverge from prevailing scenarios through the feminist framework of environmental subjectivity. In doing so, this article contributes to an expanded notion of climate justice by considering peoples' attitudes in sites of high extraction. This paper affirms that young Ecuadorians do not overly focus on emissions, but instead call attention to a variety of socio-environmental issues, mounting a critique of the extractive model of development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Time shapes every single human–environment relationship and is inherent in 21st-century global challenges such as climate change and the urgent move towards global sustainability. Nonetheless, the concept of time is still insufficiently addressed in climate justice debates. This paper aims to help fill this gap by presenting empirical results about experiences of climate change in farming communities in Tamil Nadu, South India, and fishing communities on the Lofoten Islands, Norway. With the help of the five dimensions of affectedness, rhythms and rituals, slow motion, care, and health and well-being, it exemplifies how time matters to issues of climate injustices faced by the communities. The paper promotes a qualitative understanding of time and climate change. Thereby, it may stimulate greater relatability to climate change, as well as discussion likely to lead to conceptual advances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much recent work on climate justice and activism focuses on the broader socio‐political economic contexts in which contestation occurs. These contestatory spaces in neoliberalised economies are frequently depoliticised through a variety of processes, strategies, practices, and actors. Recently this has been framed as the post‐political – whereby dissent is legitimised as "democratic" only when it does not challenge the status quo of business‐as‐usual. Most of the analysis and commentary on the post‐political has focused on policy or democratic decision‐making processes and conflict at relatively broad scales, rather than nuanced empirical case studies. In this paper we draw on an empirical case study to explore how processes of delegitimisation affect climate justice activists in emotional and personal ways. We argue that while the political subjectivities of climate justice activists are fragile achievements, a key aspect that sustains them is an ethic of care for humans and non‐humans, both near and more distant, who are affected by climate change. Fostering this ethic of care is one key way for climate activists to continue enacting responsibility for climate justice in a way that contests depoliticising and delegitimisation processes. In this paper we draw on an empirical case study to explore how processes of delegitimisation affect climate justice activists in emotional and personal ways. We argue that while the political subjectivities of climate justice activists are fragile achievements, a key aspect that sustains them is an ethic of care for humans and non‐humans, both near and more distant, who are affected by climate change. Fostering this ethic of care is one key way for climate activists to continue enacting responsibility for climate justice in a way that contests depoliticising and delegitimisation processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizens of the world are calling for climate action at the national and international levels. In those places slow to respond, climate litigation has emerged as a method that activists are using to force action. Of the 700 or so pending cases, the climate litigation presently garnering the most attention is Juliana v. United States where 21 youth have challenged the actions of the federal government for knowingly creating and exacerbating climate change. Others have taken to the streets to challenge government inaction on climate change. In both instances, courts are often left as de facto policy makers. This paper seeks to document the precedent-setting Juliana v. United States case and understand the implication of the actions of young climate advocates as they seek to defend their rights to a sustainable future. The paper also explores such youth and civic activism and inaction in relation to "sustainable" tourism. It calls for better consideration of the needs of children and young people in discussions of climate justice and tourism, particularly the future generations of children and youth who stand to bear the brunt of climate change impacts in the Global North and South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To examine how global health institutions are reducing the greenhouse gas emissions from their own operations and analyse the facilitators and barriers to achieving decarbonisation goals. Methods: We reviewed the sustainability goals and implementation plans of 10 global health universities from the ʻTropEdʼ network. We systematically collected information from institutional websites and annual reports. Through online interviews, 11 key informants validated the information from 9 of the institutions and shared their opinions regarding what factors are helping their institutions decarbonise and what factors are hindering progress. Results: 4/10 institutions sampled have a sustainability strategy and implementation plan, only 3/10 have specific decarbonisation goals, and 3/10 are reporting on progress. 5/10 institutions reported that they are in the process of determining emission reduction targets. Conclusion: This paper identifies common success factors that facilitate decarbonisation as well as common challenges and how they are being tackled, and makes recommendations on sustainability efforts in academic institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Action on climate change has enjoyed popular support in most Western countries. Despite this, successive governments have struggled to implement policy to tackle this issue. Using the case of opposition to the Clean Energy Act, passed in Australia to establish an emissions trading scheme, this paper argues that a growing and broad sentiment of distrust in political elites, described as 'anti-politics', can explain some of this contradiction. Particular forms of climate policy, in particular emissions trading schemes, have been successfully framed as policies that appeal to the interests of a new class of liberal elites while hurting ordinary working people. This frame was used successfully in Australia by conservative forces to oppose the Clean Energy Act. While used cynically by political leaders in this case, the paper argues that anti-political sentiment reflects genuine concerns about the detachment between the state and voting population. This detachment is reflected in neoliberal climate policies. Through briefly examining the cases of the Trump Administration's withdrawal from the Paris Climate Agreement and the Gilets Jaunes protest movement, the paper argues that while formulating climate policy we must consider anti-political sentiment, developing responses to the climate crisis from a bottom-up rather than top-down approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is a concerning topic, as it is impossible to deny its damaging effects on the planet. Different policy responses have been offered regarding climate change adaptation, and these have brought forward issues related to climate justice. As this topic is still not very well known in Brazil, this paper aims to raise awareness on climate justice concepts and related issues. This is a literature review which analyses climate justice theories and their relation with the concept of climate change adaptation in order to offer a new point-of-view on the topic. This paper has come to the conclusion that the concept of climate change has been created due to the increased importance of climate justice. Its origins lie in climate change activism, which seeks to help the most affected communities. That was when the fight for sharing the burden of climate change emerged, giving rise to the concepts of mitigation and climate adaptation. Thus, the most affected populations should receive assistance in the form of climate change impact adaptation, financed by the countries which are responsible for most greenhouse effect gas emissions, in name of climate justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Natural resource conflicts in Mali in the last decade represent an important case to visualise the interconnection between land and climate issues. The country has received significant international attention in recent years both due to the announcement of large-scale land deals and due to its perceived vulnerability to climate stress. At the same time, Malian peasant movements have formed important networks of resistance and have been leading the pilot implementation of village land commissions to recognise and manage community resources, based on a new Agricultural Land Law. This paper explores emerging trends in natural resource politics through the lens of interactions between land and climate policies and discourses. We analyse the growing use of the frame of 'climate security' to associate climate change, conflict and migration in relation to countries such as Mali, by looking into the possibilities that this frame could shift focus and blame towards conflicts between marginalised groups and further close space for bottom-up participation. As an alternative, we explore the relevance of a platform of agrarian climate justice and the possibilities and challenges of enacting some of its principles through the implementation of the village land commissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper puts forward two claims about funding carbon capture and storage. The first claim is that there are moral justifications supporting strategic investment into CO2 storage from global and regional perspectives. One argument draws on the empirical evidence which suggests carbon capture and storage would play a significant role in a portfolio of global solutions to climate change; the other draws on Rawls’ notion of legitimate expectations and Moellendorf’s Anti-Poverty principle. The second claim is that where to pursue this strategic investment poses a morally non-trivial problem, with considerations like near-term global distributive justice and undermining legitimate expectations favouring investing in developing regions, especially in Asia, and considerations like long-term climate impacts and best uses of resources favouring investing in the relatively wealthy regions that have the best prospects for successful storage development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate-induced population displacement and resettlement is an ongoing problem around the world, and one that is being exacerbated by climate change. To date, most attempts to address this problem have taken a top-down approach in which international justice, legal and humanitarian frameworks are extended 'downwards' by policymakers and governments to local populations. However, there has been limited systematic work that emphasizes the abilities of affected peoples themselves to develop and formulate their own justice-based solutions. This paper presents an analytical framework for thinking about 'bottom-up' claims-making that emphasizes naming, blaming, claiming and framing. The framework enables claims-making to be distinguished from other forms of community-based agency, such as adaptation. The paper also suggests a normative framework to support policymakers and practitioners in helping communities facing displacement to make claims. The normative framework focuses on the barriers to, and opportunities for, claims-making 'from below'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is a real and present threat to heritage across the world. In Europe and North America, research on the impacts of climate change on heritage, including how to mitigate against more frequent extreme weather events and how to implement efficient sustainable adaptation planning, are now key foci of heritage literature. In contrast, virtually nothing has been written about the impacts of climate change on heritage on the African continent, even though these will be significant in the coming decades. Heritage is essential for livelihoods, but also for the construction and reinforcement of identity and the psychological wellbeing of society. Here, we consider the impacts of climate change on different (connected) forms of heritage in Africa, including archaeological, historical and living heritage. We situate the implications of climate change for African heritage in recent debates around climate justice, sustainability and social wellbeing. We conclude that without significant intervention some of Africa's most important heritage will be lost as a result of the direct and indirect impacts of climate change over the coming decades. Our intention is to draw attention to the need for research into the impacts of climate change on different forms of heritage in Africa and to highlight the possible deleterious effects these losses will have on society more generally. We view this paper as a first step in developing a research agenda that will have a practical application for the management of heritage in the face of climate change in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With fires, storms, social protests, and climate strikes sweeping the world, 2019 should have been a tipping point in how the world responds to global heating. This was the backdrop to the COP25 climate change summit which took place in Madrid in December 2019. This paper assesses the outcomes of the meeting and the path towards the critically important meeting in Glasgow at the end of 2020. It analyses and explains the key points of contention over levels of ambition, the rules which should govern global carbon markets and sensitive issues such as loss and damage associated with the impacts of climate change. The analysis is situated within a broader geopolitical and economic context of right-wing populism, deepening forms of marketization and financialization of responses to climate change and against a background of a world increasingly feeling the effects of the climate crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Caribbean is one of the most vulnerable regions in the world to the adverse effects of climate change. In addition, major inequalities exist in the region, particularly around gender, climate change and extreme weather events. Climate impacts are often mediated and experienced in the context of vulnerability, as vulnerable subgroups are least able to adapt to changing climatic conditions. Existing socioeconomic vulnerabilities of women are exacerbated by the impacts of climate change due to a lack of physical, economic and political autonomy. This paper assesses thirteen international and regional policies through the lens of the three elements of women's autonomy in the region (physical, economic, and political autonomy). Three principles are identified through this analysis, and used as indicators to assess the national gender, climate, and disaster policies of thirteen Caribbean countries. This assessment identifies significant gaps and opportunities that exist for policy formation in the region in the context of gender and climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate adaptation is a complex policy domain, spanning multiple sectors, scales and actors, and wherein those most at risk have the least power. The influence of linear positivist models of science uptake are proving ineffective in a world with increasingly concentrated wealth and power, institutional barriers, and rapidly growing risks facing the many. A plurality of approaches is needed to better examine those dynamics of climate adaptation which are often invisible in models of science uptake – equity, the value of contestation, path dependency – and to consider how to empower communities to find solutions. In this conceptual paper, we argue that bridging existing positivist and interpretivist methods with insights from post-foundational theory so as to underpin pluralism and re-orient ethical principles of justice, strengthens the capacity of social research to support transformative climate adaptation. Principles are proposed to facilitate such bridging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the prospects for civil society engagement in the quest for justice in global climate change policy. Using Trinidad and Tobago as a case, in the context of the broader CARICOM framework, the paper examines civil society participation: methods of engagement, challenges and effectiveness. Notwithstanding some engagement in global action, civil society organizations have engaged in the climate change arena mainly in education, awareness building and research and training at the community level; their influence and impact in official spaces have been negligible. We conclude that given the transnational nature of climate change and the market-oriented approach in official climate change discussions at the global level, participation in progressive global/transnational coalitions with the view to attaining climate change justice is imperative. This is particularly important in cases where avenues for active engagement are not available at the national and regional levels and/or where parochial interests dominate the climate change agenda. Este artículo explora las perspectivas de participación de la sociedad civil en la búsqueda de justicia en la política global de cambio climático. Usando Trinidad y Tobago como caso de estudio, en el contexto del marco más amplio de CARICOM, el documento examina la participación de la sociedad civil: métodos de participación, desafíos y efectividad. A pesar de cierta participación en la acción global, y de que las organizaciones de la sociedad civil se han involucrado en el ámbito del cambio climático principalmente en educación, sensibilización e investigación y capacitación a nivel comunitario, su influencia e impacto en los espacios oficiales han sido insignificantes. Concluimos que dada la naturaleza transnacional del cambio climático y el enfoque orientado al mercado en las discusiones oficiales sobre el cambio climático a nivel global, la participación en coaliciones progresivas globales/transnacionales con miras a lograr la justicia del cambio climático, es imprescindible. Esto es particularmente importante en los casos en que las vías para la participación activa no están disponibles a nivel nacional y regional y/o donde los intereses parroquiales dominan la agenda del cambio climático. Cet article explore les possibilités de participation qui s'offrent à la société civile pour s'investir dans la recherche d'une politique mondiale dans la lutte contre le réchauffement climatique. Prenant comme exemple Trinidad et Tobago dans le contexte de marché plus vaste du CARICOM, cet article examine comment la société civile lutte contre le réchauffement climatique en analysant ses méthodes d'action, leur efficacité et les défis rencontrés. En dehors d'actions sociales menées à l'échelle internationale, les organismes de sociétés civiles se sont engagés dans la lutte contre le réchauffement climatique en matière d'éducation, de campagnes de sensibilisation, de recherche et de formation au niveau communautaire; leur impact sur les espaces officiels reste toutefois négligeable. Nous en concluons que le caractère transnational du changement climatique et l'approche de marché adoptée lors des discussions officielles sur le climat à l'échelle mondiale participent de coalitions mondiales progressistes visant à parvenir à une justice pour l'environnement qui reste essentielle. Cela nous semble d'autant plus important dans les cas où des mesures d'action au niveau national et régional ne sont pas toujours envisageables et/ou lorsque les intérêts locaux prédominent dans les échanges autour de l'environnement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]