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This brief discusses cases of neo-nationalist violations of academic freedom in Hungary and Poland. The most prominent case of neo-nationalist violation of academic freedom in Hungary is the fate of the Central European University (CEU). The circumstances of CEU's forced move out of Hungary came before the European Court of Justice regarding it a possible violation of EU law. The Court cited the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) under one of the three pillars of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) 1994 agreement, free trade, and the determination that CEU was a form of international educational services that should not be denied to the people of Hungary. Poland has a similar hostile environment to academics and academic freedom, although with a glimmer of hope following recent elections. The brief also discusses how such open breaches of academic freedom as in Hungary or Poland, in which politicians directly try to exert influence on research institutions and professors, are fortunately rather rare in Germany. However, a confluence of factors perhaps obscures the differences between "academic freedom" and the "freedom of opinion." In Germany, academic freedom includes the search for topics, rigorous methodical investigation, and professional norms to express findings and competent opinions, whereas the free speech is outside of these professional norms. The brief concludes with a discussion of the role of universities and the future of democracy in the context of ensuring a space for free and open debate.

This paper examines how international education (IE) as a tool of government foreign policy is challenged in an era of new geopolitics, where China's growing ambitions have increased rivalry with the West. It compares U.S. and Canada as cases first, by examining rationales and approaches to IE in both countries, second, IE relations with China before conflict and third, current controversies and government policy responses to IE relations with China. The paper concludes identifying contextual factors that shape each country's engagement with IE, but suggests that moving forward, the future of IE in a world of new geopolitics is likely to be far more complex and conflictual.

The purpose here is to translate the Fifth Force Psychologies movement through an integral (Wilberian) lens. One of the most significant impacts of doing this comes from the integral initiative, which has led to Ken Wilber arguing "Psychology is dead." Concomitantly, his view is that the "integral approach" is its replacement. This move characterizes Wilber's unique integral philosophy in a deconstructionist postmodern style of Nietzsche's "God is dead." Yet, Wilber, unlike Nietzsche, and more like Rank, reconstructs a post-postmodern vision of a new critical analysis and critical theory. In the author's view, the best of Wilberian thought and critique is his social politics of knowledge (re: his dealing with the Four Forces). It is what makes a foundational postmodern critical (conflict) theory of Integral (at least, in the Wilberian view, of which the author finds most compelling and useful to the problems of the 21st century overall--that is, ideological conflict, violence, fear, terror, wars, etc.). The very understanding of "psychology" and the field of Psychology is put into question by Wilber's challenge, just as God was more fully put into question by more and more people after Nietzsche. This technical paper puts Psychology into question, not for the first time, but in a way the author thinks is truly a first 21st century vision and profound in its potential as critique. The author offers nine reasons for naming and reclaiming "Integral-Transpersonal" as the Fourth Force of Psychology. (Contains 44 footnotes.) [This paper was published by the In Search of Fearlessness Research Institute.]

The history of higher education has revealed all the forms of structural change associated with growth. The following focuses on a special form that involves growth, specialization, and proliferation, and applies mainly but not exclusively to universities. In search for a descriptive term, I have settled on the concept of "structural accretion," a composite form of growth. Its simple definition is incorporation of new functions over time without, however, shedding existing ones or splitting into separate organizations. It is a complex process reflecting, in the main, the following driving forces: expanding as a result of new opportunities for activities, usually but not always relevant to the main missions of the university: the fact that most growth has been a matter of mutual opportunism; and the power of academic competition and emulation in a highly stratified prestige hierarchy of institutions. This paper reflects the first of three Clark Kerr Lectures on the Role of Higher Education in Society given on January 24, 2012 by Neil J. Smelser on the Berkeley campus and on the subject of "Higher Education: The Play of Continuity and Crisis."

This working paper focuses on some of the issues and challenges faced in developing early childhood programmes to promote racial and ethnic diversity in societies characterised by deep divisions and/or conflict. The central argument of the paper is that the development, delivery and evaluation of such programmes need to be informed by three core values: they should be children's rights-based, outcomes-focused, and evidence-informed. Northern Ireland provides a useful case study because its people are emerging from 30 years of armed conflict. The ability to study the development of an early childhood programme aimed at promoting understanding and respect for ethnic diversity in such a context raises a number of fundamental issues of relevance to a wide range of other situations and contexts. Paul Connolly is Professor of Education and Director of the Centre for Effective Education at Queen's University Belfast, and the founding Co-Director of the Joint Learning Initiative on Children and Ethnic Diversity. A bibliography is included. (Contains 8 figures, 1 table and 9 footnotes.)

A study of adolescents living in red and blue counties during the 2006 midterm elections shows a striking pattern of Democratic youth thriving in political expression and debate when exposed to Republican ideological climates. Democratic adolescents were more likely to talk with parents and friends about politics, disagree openly, test opinions, and listen to opponents if they lived in Republican counties compared with Democratic youth living in liberal or balanced counties. Compared to Republican youth residing in the same communities, Democratic youth in Republican counties were also more likely to engage in political discussion, to pay attention to news media, and to express confidence in their ability to comprehend campaign issues. The frequency of disagreeing in conversations predicted support for liberal activism. Disagreeing was a particularly strong predictor of supporting liberal activism for youth living in red counties. These findings support the theory--proposed by McDevitt and colleagues in other studies--that young people sometimes express political identities through conflict and disagreement, not because they come to share the views of parents, teachers, or majorities in their communities. The same pattern was not found for Republican youth in Democratic counties during the 2006 elections; they were not more politically expressive when exposed to hostile ideological climates. However, Republican identity (like Democratic identity) correlated with knowledge of the political parties. The results suggest that Democratic identity is frequently expressed in deliberative and conflict-seeking activities, while Republican identity is often grounded in knowledge. Overall, the study suggests the value of peer-centered, critical discussion as a strategy for youth political mobilization. A list of state races where party control changed in 2006 is appended. (Contains 4 figures, 9 tables and 8 notes.) [This paper is derived from research made possible with support from CIRCLE and the University of Colorado's Innovative Seed Grant Program.]

This paper analyzes the roots and implications of conflict between the conduct of science and government predilections in the United States, including the security state and neoconservative control of Washington. Three major conflicts are discussed: the emergence of new security and secrecy regimes that seek control of science; religiously derived moral viewpoints that seek to limit scientific research; and the purposeful shaping and censoring of scientific findings for political gain. All three policy issues, argues the author, have their roots in a growing public mistrust of science and its purposes, but also the actions of the current presidential administration. What is needed, he states, is a set of rules rooted in several common understandings or rules. First, policies resting on scientific or technological issues, like all public policies, are decided in the end not just by experts but by a variety of people and interests. Second, objective scientific results, tested by repeated efforts at confirmation, are necessary (though not sufficient) elements in such policy decisions. Third, if the scientists responsible for those findings are controlled or silenced by particular policy interests, or committed in advance to any particular category of policy outcome, the resulting decisions are likely to be wrong. If adopted in advance of the installation of the next administration, or at the outset, such a set of rules could be seen a forward-looking improvement in governance, rather than as yet another criticism of what has been going on in this one.

In an era of high-stakes accountability, school leaders often face contradictory pressures as they strive to improve student performance. They must meet the federal mandate of NCLB for student achievement; at the same time, many believe that NCLB constrains their professional judgment about how to best teach and assess students in the context of their own schools. The case of Baker, a K-8 school in Philadelphia, is illustrative. The case study discusses the complicated choices school leaders made as they attempted to meet the needs of all students. As Baker implemented the school district's highly prescriptive approach to curriculum and instruction, using a Managed Instruction System, it struggled to maintain its progressive educational philosophy and "best" practices. The school's pedagogical goals included: student-centered and project-based learning, teaching for life-long learning, performance-based assessments, and an emphasis on higher order thinking. Baker was a successful learning community for students and adults, whose significant accomplishments were obscured by the fact that it never had made Adequate Yearly Progress (AYP). If the U.S. Department of Education had permitted the state to use its valued-added growth model, the Pennsylvania Value-Added Assessment, as an alternative to the status achievement metric that focused on the percentage of proficient students, Baker would have made AYP in 2006-07, the last year of this research. (Contains 37 footnotes.)

Research into indicators of learning occurring in e-mail discussion groups investigated how to maximize factors that enhance learning and networking using e-mail and how to minimize factors that inhibit learning using this medium. Data from a range of e-mail discussion groups formed the basis of the research, with focus on e-mail discussion that supports informal learning contexts. These three professional development groups were followed: organizational development and learning (Group A), primary and high school administrative issues (Group B), and women's health (Group C). Five days of discussion and three topics per group were analyzed to explore how communication was being mediated and managed. Findings indicated the prevalence of challenge in the interactions among members in all groups. Group A exhibited a consistently positive outcome from the challenges. Features contributing to this outcome included high moderator involvement; a climate of respect, support, and consideration for the other members; minimum of personal attacks; successful clarification processes; and a discussion that progressed and developed. Factors that contributed to an increase in dissonance in Groups B and C and to lack of progress and positive development were individual misunderstandings and misinterpretations of a previous post and spending more time on restating opinions rather than discussion. (Contains 57 references.) (YLB)

This document provides a background for understanding the conflicts surrounding educational reform and the reactions of the religious right, and it outlines critical implications for policymakers, educators, business leaders, and other interested citizens in North Carolina. Both educational reformers and the religious right agree on the need to improve the schools, but their differences are rooted in widely differing paradigms. The religious right believes that truth is absolute, and that it is the purpose of education to teach these absolutes, while educational reformers see the purpose of contemporary education as teaching students to think for themselves and to develop informed judgment, self-reliance, responsibility, and tolerance. A look at the politics of dissent makes it clear that the religious right has become more sophisticated and effective in recent years. In the 1990s, the focus of religious right opposition to school reform has shifted to local political activity frequently directed by national organizations with well-orchestrated plans. One widespread reform, outcome-based education (OBE), has become the rallying point for the religious right's campaign against reform. In theory, OBE defines desired outcomes of education and measures progress on actual achievement, but in practice it represents a major shift in focus in that attention and incentives are centered around student achievement instead of inputs such as class hours and curriculum requirements. To the religious right, however, OBE is a program that hampers bright students, substitutes psychotherapy for the "three "R's," and usurps parental authority by including values among the goals of public education. In North Carolina, Gaston County's OBE-based Odyssey program has been the center of controversy about school education, although the experiences of North Carolina's Johnston County show that acceptance can be gained if the program is tailored to local wishes. Educational improvement in North Carolina depends on the search for common ground among opposing viewpoints. Implications are outlined for policymakers and legislators, school board members and superintendents, and business leaders and Chamber of Commerce members. (SLD)

This report focuses on university/U.S. Agency for International Development (AID) interactions in activities directly related to agriculture, natural resources, and the environment in developing nations. It is noted that U.S. university participation in AID development assistance ventures has declined since passage of the Title XII program of the Foreign Assistance Act in 1975. New opportunities for U.S. university involvement in foreign development assistance, however, are arising from new initiatives in AID, and in other development assistance organizations. In addition, AID is focusing on its affiliations with development assistance organizations, including U.S. universities, to encourage multi-institutional collaborative relationships. The report covers the following topics: how AID has utilized university resources; recent trends in AID/university collaboration; trends in AID policies, programs, and funding; perceived conflicts in the AID/university relationship, both historical and recurrent; and opportunities for U.S. university participation in development assistance. Also discussed are new directions for university participation in development assistance. Appendices include a list of programs supporting research and technology generation, AID Regional Bureau strategies, and AID actions in developing countries. Contains 120 references. (GLR)

Science shows that children who do well despite serious hardship have had at least one stable and committed relationship with a supportive adult. These relationships buffer children from developmental disruption and help them develop "resilience," or the set of skills needed to respond to adversity and thrive. This working paper from the National Scientific Council on the Developing Child explains how protective factors in a child's social environment and body interact to produce resilience, and discusses strategies that promote healthy development in the face of trauma.

Conflict's path of devastation and chaos has dramatically slowed the ability of war-torn countries to reach the Education for All (EFA) goals adopted in Dakar (April 2000). This paper describes the situation confronting children, their families, and governments in conflict countries and describes the challenges of reaching universal primary education. The most logical starting point lies in supporting emergency education where it exists and dramatically expanding access to education where it does not exist. Yet, most primary-age children in war-affected areas are not in school and have no realistic hope of enrolling in one. Forced migrant children in refugee and Internally Displaced People (IDP) camps and settlements have a better chance of attending school. Education for and efforts to engage with youth remain limited. Youth programming, when it does exist, is usually poorly supported, and may not offer much hope in terms of opening employment and income opportunities. Periods before and immediately after conflicts require careful policy development. Preparedness planning and contingent strategies require attention. The paper also warns against top-down, material-based educational solutions. It is divided into five sections: (1) "Introduction"; (2) "Background: Children and War"; (3) "Educating Children Affected by Conflict: Current Experience"; (4) "Recommendations"; and (5) "Conclusion." An annex contains results of analysis of armed conflict on EFA goals from a sample of 12 countries. (Contains 61 references.) (BT)

Six major causes of organizational conflict (individual stress, role conflict, power struggles, differentiation, interdependence, and external pressures) are delineated; implications for managing these conflicts using collaboration, bargaining, and power plays are pointed out; a conflict management paradigm pointing out which mode of conflict management works best for which cause is presented; and literature on organizational conflict management is referenced. (Author/IRT)

A contingency theory for managing conflicts in organizational settings is proposed. Collaboration, bargaining, and power approaches to conflict management are all appropriate, given certain situations. The situations and the costs and benefits of using a given strategy under varying conditions are discussed. (Author)

This is a report on the Symposium that accompanied the 15-16 May, 2007 meeting of the UNAIDS Inter-Agency Task Team (IATT) on Education. The IATT Symposium provided an opportunity to address in some detail two selected problems that are critical to stemming the advance of HIV infection--areas that have had some attention, but remain insufficiently understood for education to make the impact that the Academy for Educational Development (AED) knows it can. This paper consists of five parts: (1) The Introduction gives a brief summary of the purpose and operating procedures of the IATT, outlines the purposes, organization, and structure of the May 2007 Symposium, and briefly describes each of the hosting organizations; (2) This section reflects the morning talk on HIV, AIDS and education in emergency, conflict, post-conflict and fragile states, a panel discussion thereupon, break-out group findings, and implications for the IATT; (3) This section covers the afternoon talk on Masculinity--how male gender roles affect learning and learning spaces and impact on vulnerability to HIV, a panel discussion thereupon, break-out group findings, and implications for the IATT; (4) Informational session on US Presidential initiatives in relation to HIV, AIDS and Education; and (5) Conclusion. In the first paper of this document, Dr. Gebrewold Petros of UNHCR, makes the case that it is essential that education programs refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) be attentive to the full range of issues around HIV and AIDS. This provides practical suggestions for how to move forward. His paper also provided opportunity for panelists and participants to share their own experience and jointly make suggestions to improve education for refugees and IDPs. The second paper, by Dr. David Plummer of the University of the West Indies, takes a very different approach and explores some of the research regarding how Caribbean boys develop their male identities, leading to some important conclusions about the roles of schools and teachers and how these really have to be rethought in regard to gender identity. His paper points to some of the negative results of "hard masculinity" in relation to boys' participation in education and puts rest to the argument that emphasis on girls' education has been to the detriment of boys--even though there are real reasons to be concerned about male educational achievement. The paper provoked some thoughtful reflections by panelists and served to provide a series of practical next steps for the IATT and others concerned with HIV, AIDS and education. Finally, the Symposium provided an opportunity for representatives of the US Government to discuss two key Presidential Initiatives. Ms. Michele Moloney-Kitts of the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Response (PEPFAR) and Dr. Sarah Moten, of the President's Africa Education Initiative (AEI) made an unprecedented joint presentation. Their presentation outlined the main goals of each initiative and then identified the synergy between them. Appendices include: (1) Symposium Program; and (2) Participant List. Individual sections contain references. (Contains 3 boxes and 27 footnotes.)