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We examine how globally oriented-influencers from India utilize specific strategies of content creation to negotiate with the dominant logic of platform affordances to engage with global audiences. It involves individual negotiations by the influencers with the platform affordances in creating content that foregrounds their cultural realities and aspirations while remaining relevant to global audiences. We do so by deploying the critical technocultural discourse analysis (CTDA) framework to understand influencers' strategic choices and discursive practices as they interact and negotiate with the platform affordances. Our analysis shows two processes that help the influencers communicate their content to the global audience and sustain their local connections and followership: (1) Templatization: a process through which influencers from the global South attune themselves to the technological possibilities of the platform and utilize its features to produce content with a set of replicable patterns, formats, and practices; and (2) Cultural brokering: a negotiation strategy which allows the influencers to foreground and express their quotidian lived realities and cultural experiences in an increasingly globalized digital environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Formulaic expressions/prefabricated chunks are established as crucial in fluent speech production in psycholinguistics and language acquisition/learning yet have been largely underexplored in interpreting studies, barring a few experimental studies. Formulaic expressions are particularly underexplored from a discursive perspective in interpreting, that is, how interpreters might employ formulaic expressions for discursive mediation. Drawing on 20 years of China's political press conferences data, this study conducts a corpus-driven critical discourse analysis to explore the ideological/discursive properties of the linguistic category using the N-Gram function. The findings reveal that the interpreters' formulaic language use manifests at multiple levels: Instead of being seemingly routine and innocuous, formulaic expressions used in interpreting can be ideologically salient in (re)constructing versions of truth, fact, and reality, discursively further strengthening China's stance in the global lingua franca English. Contextualised bilingual examples are provided to demonstrate interpreters' mediation. This interdisciplinary study contributes to current understanding of government interpreters' agency in a changing sociocultural and geopolitical context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study examines the temporal dynamics shaping our understanding of search in education and the role language plays in legitimising these dynamics. It critiques the way online search is discursively constructed using home-education as a case study, and problematises how particular discourses are privileged, whom this privileging serves, as well as the likely consequences. Design/methodology/approach: The study employs Faircloughian Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as its methodological framework. Search and discursive practices were recorded during observations, search-tasks and interviews with five Australian home-educating families. Discursive features from the Google interface were also analysed. Findings: A discursive privileging of hasty search practices was identified. This was found alongside largely ineffectual search, but participants continued to discursively represent search as fast and easy. The study highlights the complex co-option of discourses surrounding online search that privilege particular temporal and commercial landscapes. Originality/value: This study contributes new knowledge regarding time as a context for understanding search behaviours, locating the perception of temporal scarcity in education within broader discursive and social structures. To date, no studies are found which investigate the temporal factors surrounding search in home-education. Increasing global reliance upon online search means the findings have broad significance, as does the proliferation of home-education induced by COVID-19. Additionally, while much work problematises the power search engines wield to privilege certain discourses, few investigate the day-to-day discursive practices of searchers affording Google and others this power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research question: Social media in sport management contexts is increasingly used to highlight social issues in sport and to advocate for change, such as expanding the opportunities for women to participate. The purpose of this study is to examine how and why people strategically used various Twitter conventions to advocate for women's cycling during the 2013 (men's) Tour de France. We draw on Feminist Critical Discourse Analysis to frame our exploration and analysis of the issue. Research methods: We analyzed the text of approximately 6000 tweets to examine the use of Twitter conventions, as discursive practices, in digital activism efforts to advance the women's cycling agenda. Findings and discussion: People used links, retweets, hashtags, direct mentions, and influencers' posts as individual discursive practices and for their collective potential to draw attention to, and advocate for, women's pro-cycling in the context of the 100th iteration of the men's Tour de France. We discuss why this was an important process in the context of women's cycling, and some of the impacts, ten years later, of this Twitter activity. Implications: Twitter conventions can be a useful digital activism tool for feminist agendas in sport. We are cautious of overstating this case as each cause will have different contexts, and the ability of trolls and other users to derail activism is ever present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental DNA (eDNA) has risen in popularity as a genetically-based method to enumerate species in natural ecosystems, and it is well positioned to be integrated into biodiversity monitoring and conservation initiatives. While the field has made great strides in methodological development, it has largely avoided discussion of its potential inequitable social outcomes. In this paper, we argue that the social asymmetries of eDNA are under-addressed precisely because of how it is framed and valued by powerful actors who may benefit from the technology's proliferation. We use a framework of representational rhetorics to articulate the discursive process by which the biodiversity crisis is distilled into problems of data-deficiency and inefficiency in scientific articles such that eDNA offers the exact corresponding technological solution. This framing helps justify eDNA's implementation in local, global, and corporate spheres, despite the methodology's uncertainties and limitations. It may also enable future inequitable outcomes through sidelining other forms of biodiversity knowledge and enclosing biodiversity information through processes of genetic commodification and privatization. We engage with critiques of neoliberal conservation, big data, and (biodiversity) genomics made by political ecologists and feminist science and technology studies scholars to help reorient the eDNA field towards more equity-oriented discursive practices and implementations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study deconstructs the representations of fast fashion-triggered environmental injustice in three widely viewed eco-documentaries produced by public service media in regard to causal responsibility and treatment responsibility attributions from a multimodal critical discourse analytical perspective. Discursive practices associated with causal responsibility attributions include reinforcing the racialized perpetrator-victim dichotomy between the North and the South, redirecting blame to the generic consumers, and paradoxically justifying the problematized status quo. Discursive practices associated with treatment responsibility ascriptions include portraying individual actions as the solution, presupposing technology as the solution, picturing the Northern actors as the problem-solvers, and legitimizing business-as-usual approaches as the best compromise. These findings suggest that the three eco-documentaries reflect and perpetuate the wider discourse of neoliberal and neocolonial environmentalism, arguably rendering the meaning-making of environmental justice shallow and undermining possibilities of empowerment and radical change. Suggestions for media practitioners and environmental communicators informed by the analysis are offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Treating counter-disinformation activities as a discursive practice producing knowledge in specific cultural and historical contexts, this article brings a vital cultural studies perspective to an incipient Critical Disinformation Studies agenda. At the same time, it cautions against inadvertently aligning that agenda with the ‘bad faith’, right-wing populist critique of counter-disinformation practices, acknowledging their genuine potential to enhance democratic culture. It proceeds by interrogating the communicative strategies informing the proliferating Western counter-disinformation initiatives which have mushroomed in response to what is widely perceived to be one of democracy’s most potent threats, and which border on a ‘moral panic’ serving to conceal key ideological tensions. Grounded in Critical Discourse Analysis methods, a close reading of mission statements and related materials from the websites of four leading counter-disinformation units demonstrates how these texts interweave three functions – identity construction, performativity, and representation – to generate the overarching ‘discursive formation’ or ‘articulation’ constituting counter-disinformation as modern liberal democracy’s core, but also exposing its fault lines. Specifically, it shows that a failure to reconcile competing accounts of truth (as scientific rationality and normative value) indexes deeper contradictions pitting the liberal emphasis on individual freedom and capitalist efficiency against the democratic prioritizing of popular power, dispassionate observation against civic participation, and the promotion of transparency against the creeping power of surveillance. It concludes that the absolutist epistemology – a vestige of disinformation’s Cold War conceptual origins – designed to cover over these paradoxes masks the complex roles played by truth and deception in politics, thereby hindering the emergence of alternative, oppositional forms of knowledge capable of embracing truth in its radical contingency and plurality and facilitating democratic renewal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The objective of this study is to examine developments in the discursive practice of non-financial reporting in the public healthcare sector. In doing so, the authors investigate how the main reform foci of productivity and quality are represented, with a specific focus on the patient. Design/methodology/approach: Drawing on critical discourse analysis (CDA), the authors conduct a longitudinal study (2007–2018) of healthcare reporting foci across the five administrative regions responsible for public hospitals in Denmark. The study analyses sixty annual reports and draws on contemporary reform documents over this period. CDA enables a micro-textual analysis, combined with macro-insights and discussions on social practice. Findings: The findings show complex webs of presentation strategies, but in particular two changes occur during the period. First, the patient is centred throughout but the framing changes from productivity and waiting lists to quality and dialogue. Second, in the first years, the regions present themselves as actively highlighting financial and quality concerns, which changes to a passive and indirect form of presentation steered by indicators and patient legislation enforced by central government. This enhances passivity and distance in healthcare regional non-financial reporting where the regions seek to conform to such demands. Simultaneously, however, the authors find a tendency to highlight very different local initiatives, which shows an attempt to go beyond a pure automatic mode of reporting found in earlier studies. Originality/value: Responding to the literature on both healthcare and financial reporting, this study identifies novel links between micro-level texts and macro-level social practices, enabling insights into the potentially intertwined impacts of public-sector reporting. The authors offer insights into the complexity of the construction of non-financial reporting in the public sector, which has a wider impact and different intentions than private-sector reporting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis study investigates the discursive devices deployed by the late former Zimbabwean President, Robert Mugabe, to represent social actors in his speeches, in order to unveil how these devices and the ideologies in them are mobilized to maintain political power and garner popular support. The data for the study comprise his: 2002 world summit on sustainable development speech in South Africa, 2005 party manifesto speech in Zimbabwe, 2003 Non-aligned speech in Malaysia, and 2007 UN speech in New York. These were subjected to qualitative analysis with insights from Teun A. van Dijk’s socio-cognitive model of Critical Discourse Analysis. The study reveals that Mugabe uses discursive polarization strategies to emphasize positive things/de-emphasize negative things about his in-group (himself, Zanu-PF, the majority black, majority Zimbabwean supporters, and the third-world country allies), but emphasizes negative things/de-emphasizes positive things about the out-group (the minority white Zimbabwean land grabbers, the USA, the UK, Tony Blair, George Bush, etc.). The discursive strategies identified were used to pursue land ownership, anti-imperialist, revolutionary, and Marxist ideologies. The study concludes that these strategies were employed by Mugabe as linguistic, rhetorical and political strategies to maintain power and mobilize the support of majority black Zimbabweans for years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through critical discourse analysis of widely circulated and debated video speeches by three selected religious authorities in Ethiopia—representing the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church (EOTC), Islam, and Protestantism—this paper examines how religious authority and social media complimentarily help to reach geographically and religiously diverse audiences and to draw politico-religious boundaries. It shows how the politicisation of religion, mainly by a supportive Protestant and calculative Muslim groups, with different intentions, on the one hand and a religiously motivated and repressive government on the other have created a "religious other" (i.e., the EOTC). Perceived discourse of historical marginalisation is used to justify both supportive and calculative tendencies of continued religious repression in the reconstructed new Ethiopia. On the other hand, a struggle for justice to curb this development is religiously justified by the EOTC, which elevates tensions to the level of a holy war against the religious other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on Fairclough's critical discourse analysis, this study sheds light on sports nationalism and traces changes in the media's discursive construction of the Korean national football team over time by analyzing news articles from three different World Cups. Korean sports nationalism has evolved in complex ways and has been influenced by a combination of factors, including the colonial experience, initiatives by the former military government, the hosting of mega-sporting events, local professional leagues, and the globalization of athletes on the world stage. Given the multifaceted nature of Korean sports nationalism, this study aims to examine how it has changed in response to social transformations, particularly the impact of neoliberal globalization. The findings reveal that sports nationalism is often manifested in the terms of "fighting spirit" or "sacrifice" as a core national trait. However, it increasingly incorporates and embraces a new neoliberal meritocratic culture and subjectivity that foregrounds individual success on the world stage as a new form of nationalism in an era of accelerating globalized and commodified sports elitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In some publications, it has been observed that media proliferation promotes the negative views on Islamic fundamentalism, Islamic extremism, or Islamic terrorism. These discourses have contributed to worsening tension in different sociocultural contexts such as between the West and Islam, which is commonly known as Islamophobia. The discourse around islamophobia has become an implied tool to construct hegemony such as reflected in a political pretext to show attitude and view of the dominant power. The present study offers an insight from the perspective of critical discourse analysis to understand the discourse around islamophobia. Using the principles of Fairclough's (1989) Critical Discourse Analysis with its three dimensions: text, discursive practice, and social practice, the study adapted a two-stage analysis model to describe and interpret a section of Trump's inaugural speech that seems to be contradictory as it mentions a reflection of islamophobia amidst the promotion of peace. The result of the study shows that Trump's islamophobia is implied in the part of an inaugural speech as a content related to Islam and terrorism. Relevant to the intention of the speech given to the Indian audience, the observed section of the speech is probably not misplaced; instead, reflects Trump's view on Islam and terrorism as well as his dominance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many mothers with intellectual disabilities lose their parental rights due to child welfare (CW) concerns. Despite the growing interdisciplinary scholarship on parenting with intellectual disabilities, there is scant research that has explored the discursive practices embedded within CW or family courts involving mothers with intellectual disabilities. The aim of this study is to explore portrayals of mothering with intellectual disability in CW court reports filed in Québec, Canada. A three-level critical discourse analysis was performed, focusing on 10 reports that were retrieved from a publicly available legal database, and their larger discursive societal context. Analysis highlighted unequal power relations as discursive practice underpinned by the following discursive patterns: (1) The ideal caregiver vs the unfit mother (2) Devalued voices of mothers with intellectual disability (3) Professionals as holding authoritative knowledge and (4) Decision-making based on the best interest of the child. Revealing the hidden ideological assumptions embedded in discourse can help to challenge and confront injustice faced by mothers with intellectual disability within the CW system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at de-Europeanization as a progressive disengagement between domestic authorities and EU actors manifested through their discourses. The authors view discursive disengagement as consisting of two major aspects: Discursive opposition between domestic authorities and the EU reflected in their conflicting statements and the intensification of this discursive opposition, whereby the domestic authorities' discourses shift from defensive to offensive ones. The authors trace the respective developments based on the case of Georgia, looking at the discursive interaction between domestic and EU actors in the Georgian TV media from July 2021 to June 2022. The research has revealed Georgian authorities' discursive opposition to EU actors behind the façade of seemingly pro-European statements. After Russia's invasion of Ukraine, this discursive opposition has escalated and become offensive. The authors use quantitative content analysis to map actor-discourse networks, as well as critical discourse analysis to reveal deeper layers of de-Europeanization discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a Critical Discourse Analysis of Donald Trump and Joe Biden in the context of the 2024 elections. Specifically, it examines their first pre-electoral debate, focusing on key topics such as the economy and employment, as well as immigration. The study aims to explore how the discursive practices of these two candidates differ in their attempts to persuade and/or manipulate their respective audiences. To achieve this, the analysis scrutinizes epistemic/effective markers and legitimizing strategies of subjectivity and intersubjectivity to assess their communicative events. This research utilizes a mixed-method approach, combining quantitative analysis through the UAM Corpus Tool, which generates frequency counts and percentages, with a qualitative analysis to contextualize these findings within the candidates' discourse. Preliminary results show that Biden tends to use linguistic strategies that may lead to ambiguity and confusion, potentially making his messages more challenging for the audience to fully grasp and align with. Conversely, Trump, particularly when addressing immigration and framing immigrants as an outgroup, tends to communicate more directly and unambiguously. This directness could make his messaging more persuasive, as it reaches the audience more quickly and with greater clarity, minimizing the cognitive effort required to engage with the content. The study suggests that when audiences must exert additional effort to understand a message, it can lead to disengagement and reduced effectiveness of the communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Technocracy is becoming increasingly relevant in Western democracies and particularly in Italy, a country characterised by four technocratic governments in three decades. Despite the growing number of dedicated studies, there is a persistent gap in the existing literature concerning the discursive dimension of technocracy – namely, how technocrats frame the historical context, legitimise their policy agendas and, more broadly, the establishment of their governments. This study aims to fill this gap by analysing the speeches given by four Italian technocratic Prime Ministers to the parliament when asking for the vote of confidence. Methodologically, we perform first the content analysis to map the themes addressed in the speeches, their quantitative relevance and variation over time. Then, we turn to critical discourse analysis to understand the specific argumentative strategies that legitimise policy action in five key and interrelated dimensions: context, legitimation, the state, European Union and political economy. The analysis seeks to answer three research questions: What are the main discursive strategies of legitimation used by technocrats? Do they change significantly between governments and over time? Do partisan policy options and worldviews emerge clearly, or do they remain under the surface? The paper aims to contribute to the theoretical conceptualisation and empirical analysis of technocracy by highlighting the subjective, performative and overall political dimensions of the phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The critical analysis of mediated discourses allows us to understand the texts beyond the texts themselves, through the analysis of discursive strategies and the construction of meanings of social actors. Understanding the social contexts in the (social) functioning of discourses is justified in teaching Pragmatics with undergraduate students. Such is the case of students who attend courses in Social Communication, insofar as the transformation of discourses to be disseminated through the mass media (whether traditional or new media) will certainly be an object of work in their future professional practices. Exemplifying how the teaching of Pragmatics can be mobilized for the professional life of these students, this article focuses on the results of a didactic proposal of critical analysis of mediated discourses by finalist students of Social Communication. This qualitative research was carried out in the 2021/2022 school year and involved a content analysis based on the students' discursive analysis practices, who had a didactic guide to support their analysis work. This case study, with 60 participants, revealed to us the opportunity of this proposal for students to understand discourses as social practices, which result and give rise (simultaneously) to social phenomena, which are important to know. At the same time, this proposal made it possible to contribute to the development of analytical-critical and reflective-interpretive capacities, which are important for the future professional action of these participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study peruses Pakistani dramas to acknowledge interdiscursivity through Van Dijk's socio-cognitive model which comes under the umbrella of Critical Discourse Analysis. The study observes that Pakistani society is facing challenges at various levels as shown in Urdu dramas. The study evaluates human violation through interdiscursive practices and the language strategies being operated and drilled through various characters in selected dramas to control the nation's progression by exhibiting their social environment through the lens of Pakistani media. In this qualitative research, Van Dijk's model has been used to analyze data. The study reveals that interdiscursivity delves into the underlying agenda to inculcate certain ideologies and discursive practices. The study also exposes that challenges related to the imbalance in power structures faced by Pakistani society are shaped through Pakistani Urdu dramas which block the overall social, political, educational, and economic development of the nation. The findings conclude that language is used as a tool by Pakistani media to achieve hidden agendas instead of bringing change in the society which can lead to a developed nation. The study helps us to understand interdiscursivity and how it develops discourse in a variety of societal contexts that inhibit progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The importance of stability has been consistently emphasized in China and the discursive use of stability is found to have legitimizing effects in Chinese newspapers, but how such political keywords are employed by the newspaper of a country that is ideologically distinct from China remains underexplored. This study addresses this gap by investigating the use of stability in The New York Times' coverage of China between 1980 and 2020, drawing on critical discourse analysis (particularly, the discourse-historical approach) and sentiment analysis. A diachronic quantitative analysis demonstrates an overall negative sentiment in news reports relating to China's stability across these years, with positive sentiment evident only during the 1980s and negative sentiment prevailing from 1990 to 2020. These findings are consistent with general trends in US-China relations and US foreign policy over the four decades. Qualitative analysis reveals that negative sentiment focuses on sociopolitical and territorial issues, whereas positive sentiment focuses primarily on economic and financial aspects, indicating that the newspaper views the issue of China's stability from a politically self-interested perspective of the US and is also concerned about the persistence of certain dominant ideologies in American society. This study contributes to a greater comprehension of the use of political keywords in national and international news discourse, especially by the media of ideologically diverse societies. Moreover, because the application of sentiment analysis to critical discourse analysis and news discourse analysis has proven to be time-efficient, verifiable, and accurate, researchers can confidently employ it to disclose hidden meanings in texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The deadly impact of COVID-19 has caused authorities worldwide to resort to vaccination as an exit strategy. Some have even imposed vaccination as a mandatory policy to ensure social compliance. Many studies have focused on the issues of discrimination and polarisation due to the virus and the vaccines, but very little is known about vaccination as a process of generating compliance, especially in the Malaysian context. Hence, the paper aims to address this gap by examining how COVID-19 vaccination is discursively profiled in the Malaysian mainstream media. The study utilised corpus analysis and Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) in examining the corpus of 1514 vaccination-related news reports in the Malaysian mainstream media amounting to approximately 924028 tokens. Through the discursive strategies of referential/nomination and predication, the findings indicated that vaccination was strongly affiliated with those representing the government and its ideology. To generate compliance, vaccination was described as synonymous with the national agenda. Hence, vaccination was dominantly assigned positive labels that promoted this ideology, except for the very few negative labels attributed to the mandatory policy, the effects of vaccination and the deadly impact of COVID-19 infection. The study not only contributes to the vast literature on COVID-19 but it also provides a linguistic analysis that combines corpus techniques and CDA to examine a discursive practice that can further pave the way for uncovering the ideological discourse in the mainstream media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conceptualization of the EU as a normative power has become a central theoretical framework in the field of European studies. This concept highlights the EU’s role in the promotion of normative principles, particularly those concerning its core values as laid out in article 2 of the Lisbon Treaty: human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights. While the majority of academic works on NPE have mostly focused on the EU’s external action, there is a growing trend to apply this concept to the study of member States that challenge the core values of the EU. This paper takes a step further in that endeavor through the analysis of Spanish media discourses on the EU, and their role in the discursive construction of the EU as a normative power, both internally and externally. Specifically, our research focuses on how the EU’s commitment to human rights norms and the rule of law are reflected in dominant media discourses on the EU in Spanish media. To conduct our study, six national Spanish media outlets were selected based on the following criteria: Ownership; ideology; consumption; and impact. A final sample of 540 news items published between July 2021 and March 2022 were selected for analysis. Using a qualitative methodological approach that includes content analysis and critical discourse analysis, we analyzed the major discourses identified in relation to the EU, focusing on those in which the construction (or deconstruction) of the EU as a normative power is more prevalent. We also attempted to unfold how this construction is projected internally and externally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering the manner in which Korean news outlets express different socio-political positions by way of framing and re-constructing news, this study examines the extent to which Muslim refugees are framed and represented in major newspapers—Hankyoreh on the political left and Chosun Ilbo on the right—between January and November in 2018, when the issue of Muslim refugees received unprecedented attention in Korea. Through analysis of the custom-built corpora, this study identifies discursive practices of the media institutions in relation to Muslim refugees in Korea and explains these practices in terms of the socio-political orientation of each newspaper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study investigates the transformation of the architect's role as portrayed in written texts by analyzing discursive practices concerning architectural education in Turkey between 1963 and 2000. Design/methodology/approach: The research employs critical discourse analysis (CDA) to examine selected texts published in the Mimarlık journal, representing the Chamber of Architects of Turkey. By embracing M. Bakhtin's "dialogism" approach, it aspires to foster new discussions on architectural education and establishes a "dialogical landscape" showcasing various voices and arguments. The research supplements its methodology by mapping the dialogical landscape, illustrating the relationality of discursive practices. Findings: The paper contends that alterations in the missions, goals, and priorities of the architectural discipline significantly impact architectural education. Rather than focusing on individual perspectives, the creation of new dialogical platforms, emphasizing the interplay of diverse and conflicting viewpoints, offers more comprehensive pathways to guide the future of architectural education. Originality/value: Debates and conflicts regarding the architect's role are central to architectural education. This article offers a novel perspective on the history of architectural education in Turkey by analyzing shifts in the definition and role of the architect as expressed in the Mimarlık journal. By integrating the principles of dialogism into the study of educational discourses and revealing the relationality between material-discursive practices, it aims to enrich the discourse and contribute value to critical studies on architectural education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Spanish Journal of Comparative Education / Revista Española de Educación Comparada is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines how the online discourse of art organisations forges relationships between the artworld and the fields of politics and economy. Combining elements of Pierre Bourdieu's field analysis and Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis, the article analyses an elite art magazine, e-flux, and an elite art museum, IMMA, and the activities of discourses, genres, and utterances on their about pages. Its results suggest that the about pages of these organisations forge links between the artworld and the fields of politics and economy by mobilising discourse in these fields and by incorporating discourse practices from these fields. The ideological tension resulting from this interdiscursivity was found to be managed in different ways. The article thereby contributes to furthering our understanding of how discourse networks fields of practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pashkevilim, printed wall notices posted around Jewish ultra-Orthodox neighborhoods, serve as one of the religious community's popular communication channels. The Pashkevilim mostly deal with controversial intra-community issues and feature a unique style, extremist rhetoric, and vocabulary derived from the religious literature. Humorous imitations of the genre arose over the years, which circulated in the community and outside of it, posing a challenge to the rabbinic hegemony. Although humorous Pashkevilim have likely been present for as long as Pashkevilim themselves, there is currently a lack of research investigating them. By adopting a critical discourse analysis approach, the current study aims to address this gap by identifying the predominant types of humorous Pashkevilim and analyzing the discursive practices they employ. The findings indicate three main discursive practices that characterize humorous Pashkevilim: parody, satire, and irony. While parody exaggerates the formal characteristics of the genre and mocks them, satire and irony criticize the content and topics discussed in traditional Pashkevilim, especially on the subject of Jewish law and religious stringency. These practices express an oppositional reading of the genre, which challenges its function as well as its socio-cultural, political, and religious significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article used a critical discourse approach to understand how linguistic practices in the South African media construct international immigrants of African origin. We created an 88 000-word corpus of online South African news articles on immigrants from 2008 to 2020, which we then uploaded onto a corpus analysis software, Sketch Engine. Through the software, we were able to generate patterns of language use in the construction of immigrant identity and subject position in the media. While most literature on South Africa has focused on the violence associated with xenophobia, this paper zeroes in on 'the language of xenophobia' to provide a good reflection of the sociological construction of 'self' and 'other' in the country. By examining the discursive practices of the media on foreign nationals, the paper maps out not only the circulation but also the reproduction of power, social relations and other sociologies behind the prejudices that inform xenophobia in all its various forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the discursive practices of coercive persuasion deployed by Nigeria's Minister of Information and Communications to justify the rebranding Nigeria campaign as a policy designed for value reorientation of the citizenry in the wake of the country's image crisis both domestically and internationally. Sampling data from select addresses and interviews of the country's chief image maker during the campaign, the study analyses some discourse structures and strategies in the public discourse, drawing theoretical insights from van Dijk's Critical Epistemic Discourse Analysis to re-examine and re-interpret meaning in relation to knowledge claims in the organised persuasive communication. The article demonstrates that there is artful management of information and construction of knowledge in the persuasive discourse largely to present an institutional version of reality in re/telling Nigeria's national identity narratives. The study concludes that the rhetorical means of controlling the discourse and managing the minds of the audience typify leadership practices of knowledge construction to achieve policy dominance given certain norms and conventions of nation branding practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study examines how a white elementary educator used discursive practices I refer to as "race talk moves" to support students' racial literacy during whole-class read-alouds. This case study found that the teacher used four moves that have been previously documented in literature discussions: listening, participating, synthesizing, and challenging. Significantly, however, the teacher drew upon these moves in ways that were responsive to students' racialized identities and emergent understandings of race. Moreover, the analysis identified a new, fifth move, what I call "anchoring," that supported students in moving from surface-level conceptions of race to a deeper understanding of systemic racism. By actively responding to and deepening students' racial literacy contributions, anchoring moves illuminate how teachers and students can co-construct critical race knowledge. This study diverges from previous research on the drawbacks of white teachers talking about race to demonstrate the moves teachers can make to support students' racial literacy development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to discuss the positioning of the Mandalika folklore, between ecology and economics. This folklore text is described by combining Norman Fairclough's theory and methods of critical discourse analysis (CDA) with an ecocritical perspective. In his analysis, Norman Fairclough uses a three-dimensional CDA model, namely text analysis, discursive practice, and socio-cultural practice. The results showed that in text analysis related to the analysis of language features in the form of vocabulary analysis (words and meanings) that represent the nobility, women, and the ecological system, the analysis of discursive practice interpreting the story text of Putri Mandalika is interpreted as a story text that produces tradition bau nyale. Furthermore, socio-cultural practices are related to the social relations of the people in relation to the bau nyale event being a cultural event, tourism event, and ecological event. The folklore text of Putri Mandalika presents the bau nyale festival. This celebration has an ecological and economic impact. Economically, the bau nyale festival is able to improve the people's economy, but ecologically, the bau nyale festival can damage environmental sustainability due to the lack of public awareness of environmental care, as evidenced by leaving trash everywhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the article is to analyze the link discourse and politics in the Post-structural Theory of Discourse (TPD) presented by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe (1987) The analysis combines theoreticalpractical documentary research with deconstruction and critical reflection. The theoretical aspects come mainly from Saussure (1971), Laclau and Mouffe (1987), Laclau (1993, 2006), Mouffe (2007), Rojas (2014) and Fair (2015), among others. The article provides a way to deconstruct basic concepts to understand the discursive articulation. The conclusions are: 1) the TPD radicalizes the linguistic turn and the structural games of language in a redefinition of society contributed from the articulation discourse-hegemony-the political and the political, 2) The TPD based on the discursive hegemony as an actual articulation, between other, 3) the Derridian deconstruction taken up by Laclau and Mouffe in the TPD is basic to interpret the differences between types of democracy and States by the way they hegemonize the particular senses of the signifiers to naturalize them, through political struggle, as of universal validity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employing Wodak's discourse-historical approach, this paper examines how Ghana's independence leader – Kwame Nkrumah – in his creation of the Unite or Perish myth constructed 'the African people' in a manner in sync with populist performance. It argues that Nkrumah's discourse, in its focus on the formation of a Union Government of Africa as the only means of Africa's peace, progress, security and survival in the post-independence era, can be characterized as a form of populist rhetoric that presupposes an antagonistic relationship between two homogeneous social groups. To this end, the paper analyzes three discursive strategies utilized by Nkrumah in promoting anti-establishment sentiments while celebrating or valorizing 'the ordinary people': nomination and predication of social actors and actions, the construction of a man of the people image and the exploitation of familiarity and historical memory. It concludes with a discussion on the implications of the study for political discourse analysis in terms of the interrelationship between political myth and populist performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ilha do Desterro: A Journal of English Language, Literatures in English & Cultural Studies is the property of Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, CCE Departamento de Pos-Graduacao em Lingua Englesa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The core aspiration that led to investigate and study the five speeches of Martin Luther King Jr, who is known to be an influential and dominant orator to understand the distinguishing, contextual, structural, and thematic features incorporating the linguistics strategies adopted by him. The type of research chosen in this research is qualitative approach and narrowed down to five speeches from twenty-five hundred speeches to develop comprehensive understanding and result oriented research for future perspectives. The methodology opted is Norman Fairclough 3D Critical Discourse Analysis model that has 3 layers of analysis which are firstly, the discourse as description of pure text; secondly is discourse as interpretation of text as-discursive-practice; thirdly is discourse as explanation of text as-social -practice included. The study is restricted to King's persuasive strategies analyzing from Political Discourse Analysis in which there is structural framework of argumentative strategies for actions with five categories for five persuasive speeches initiating from, claims for an action; goals; circumstances; goals-means; and values. The collection of data from the five notorious speeches by calculating the frequency of words in the speeches to determine the thematic; semantic; ideologies; intentions; syntax; variations of the linguistic features. It has been concluded that Martin Luther King was a very optimistic; peacemaker and action-oriented man with bold symbolic, freedom of expressions who managed to win the masses with leadership potential, pragmatic style and convincing words. He advocated the nation to learn from History to be aware of their legal and fair voting rights as American citizen by current non-violent marches and demonstration to shape. The future of Afro-American as free nation with equal, just and fair rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In early 2020, China witnessed the first case of COVID-19. The nation strived to manage the situation through stringent measures with the help of digital technologies including platforms. This article investigates the discursive production of COVID-19 on People's Daily Subscription Account (SA, dingyue hao), a state-affiliated media channel on the WeChat platform. Through a mixed approach using the walkthrough method and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this article uncovers the power dynamics existing within WeChat and how such dynamics shape the mode of discursive production during the health crisis. Findings reveal the role of People's Daily in commanding mainstream discursive production in support of the Chinese Communist Party's continuous quest to legitimise its use of platform media to guide its political subjects and supervise everyday practices of social life. This article can potentially contribute to consolidating understandings of the role of platform media in shaping political governance in contemporary China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how German media discourses reflect debates around integration, based on a newspaper corpus spanning the period 2008–2018. Considering these discourses, our research interest is focussed on how integration is constructed as a responsibility of those who are expected to integrate into society. To analyze how media might play a role in reproducing essentialist constructions of difference, we present a case study that combines methodologies of corpus linguistics and critical discourse analysis, and that examines discursive practices and strategies linked to dominant discourses about integration in Germany. Our findings show that in the German context, certain ethnicities (here: people of Turkish background) are framed as "other" and these groups are constantly being assessed in terms of integration in ways that others are not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much has been written on hydropolitics, or on the interplays between transboundary water resource issues and politics. This article builds on recent calls for more research on the role of discourses in shaping hydropolitics. We propose a conceptual framework, inspired by critical discourse analysis, for the systematic investigation of how discursive practices construct and enact actors' power positions in transboundary basin governance. Our framework's added value lies in the typology of discourses we develop – that is, dominant, institutionalized, hegemonic and sanctioned – for a more precise analysis of discursive hydropolitics. We formulate a research agenda to operationalize our perspective on discursive hydropolitics and lay the groundwork for future empirical research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes ideologies -- understood as an extralegal factor -- developed textually in the discursive genre of legal sentences. By articulating the conjectures of Bourdieu and Van Dijk, we created a theoretical framework that defines the legal field as a social and discursive practice able to create axiomatic beliefs about people. Then, we applied this theoretical approach through a Critical Discourse Analysis about a criminal sentence condemning a Mapuche individual. It is defined as a study case given that the selected example expresses the way in which axiomatic beliefs about an individual from a minority group are built. We conclude our research by reflecting on the possibility of applying this theoretical approach to the study of different corpuses of sentences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective behind the present article is two-fold. Firstly, departing from the assumption that distance and salience dynamics are key to both functioning and impact of the media, we aim to present a new theoretical perspective on social media discourse understood as both product and process – Media Proximization Approach – and thus shed light on the exploratory potential of Social Media Critical Discourse Studies (SM-CDS) paradigm (KhosraviNik, 2017b. Social Media Critical Discourse Studies (SM-CDS). In J. Flowerdew, & J. E. Richardson (Eds.), Handbook of Critical Discourse Analysis (pp. 583–596). Routledge) emphasizing both the horizontal (industrial) and vertical (social) dimensions of digital communication. Secondly, identifying various dimensions of proximization within social media, we will discuss their role in creating a conducive environment for the spread of populist ideologies, and, more generally, changing the communication dynamics between the primary and secondary definers. Data-wise, the article focuses on current social media discursive practices concerning Enoch Powell's 'Rivers of Blood' speech in the context of rising anti-immigration sentiment and Brexit campaign. Two YouTube videos recontextualizing the speech along with the accompanying comments will be discussed here to show how political discourses get remediated in social media where their 'prosumers' imbue them with new form, function and emotionality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paper describes two basic principles of sociological analysis of ideology in the early XXI century: the principle of double contextualization of M. Burawoy and the principle of the duality of structures and subjects of P. Sztompka. This allowed to clarify the focus of the author's research on the intersection of the plurality of ideologies and multiparadigm of modern sociology. Authors have distinguished a sociological understanding of the transformations of the social role of ideology in the development of societies during the XIX – early XXI century and its three main phases. Taking into account the multiparadigm of ideology, the possibilities of its conceptualization in a number of major sociological metaparadigms and their axiomatic nuclei are analyzed. Paper emphasizes on diversifying the debate on the macro-micro dichotomy in the study of ideology by increasing the invariance in the interpretation of both members of this dichotomy and recognizing the complex nature of structures and subjects that have object-subject characteristics. There is a lack of sociological explication and conceptualization of such a vision of ideology and corresponding methods of empirical research. Therefore, the narrowing of sociological optics to the study of ideology within the socio-constructive direction of sociological theorizing in its critical version is argued. As the importance of studying the practical aspects of ideology and the role of its subjects in social transformations is emphasized today, the position of N. Fairclough was chosen as the main methodological source within the cluster of critical discourse analysis. Paper describes heuristic possibilities and limits of using the theoretical provisions of critical discourse-analysis of N. Fairclough for cognition of ideology. The main characteristics of ideological discourse are argued, as well as the main provisions of critical discourse-analysis are applied to the study of ideology with special attention to its subjects. As a result of the application of these research procedures, an approach to the conceptual scheme of ideology research is developed, which takes into account its object-subject characteristics and allows studying the role of agents and recipients in the construction and consumption of ideology, аs well as in the transformation of social practices and socio-cultural transformations.

This contribution explores how subject positions and perspectives are negotiated in the discursive practices of teaching social studies. The study involved a teacher and a group of second-language learners in Grade 6, the data being gathered by observations, voice recordings, and collection of teaching materials throughout seven weeks. The analysis, drawing upon discourse theory and sociological theories of education, is conducted from the perspective of Critical Discourse Analysis. The result, highlighting a curriculum area about living conditions, shows how Western-centric beliefs about a divided world were perpetuated both during introductory activities and in the searching for information about different countries. This mainstream meaning perspective was also sustained when the teacher modelled ways of using language for expressing content knowledge. Throughout, the migrant language learners were positioned as privileged Swedish citizens. Implications for shaping discursive practices of teaching in ways which builds on students' diverse knowledges and experiences are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the way in which the capacitism has been used as a linguistic-discursive strategy for the non-ratification of autistic people, in order to maintain the capitalism. Therefore, oriented by Fairclough (2003; 2001 [1992]), in relation to Critical Discourse Analysis, and by Halliday and Matthiessen (2014), in the light of Systemic-Functional Linguistics, I investigate the interrelationship between linguistic analysis and social criticism, in the scope of a qualitative and a interpretative research (DENZIN; LINCOLN, 2006 [2003]). The results show that there is an order of discourse that relates identities, that promotes interpersonal exchange and that organizes the capacitism to legitimize neoliberal projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article builds on a research project examining news values, journalistic practices, and media power in Australia and Malaysia. These two countries differ from each other in socio-cultural, religious, regional, political perspectives, and journalistic practices but share the presence of indigenous people, appreciation for multiculturalism, and increasing numbers of older people. The comparison of journalistic practices -- Asian-based development journalism and Western journalism practices -- along with other differences, especially socio-cultural values, provides the rationale for the selection of these two countries. The study draws on Fairclough's three-dimensional critical discourse analysis and Caple and Bednarek's discursive news values analysis to explore the discursive practices of journalists in providing voices and prioritising different actors in news stories. 99 news articles from 8 mainstream Australian newspapers -- The Age, The Sydney Morning Herald, The Australian, The Advertiser, The Daily Telegraph, The Courier-Mail, The Herald Sun, and The Canberra Times -- and 5 English-language Malaysian newspapers -- New Straits Times, The Malay Mail, The Star, The Borneo Tost, and The Sun -- published between January 2011 and December 2013 are selected as the dataset in this study. The study finds that reference to elite persons remains a uniform news value in both Australian and Malaysian newspapers, indicating the role of journalists in reflecting and reinforcing the status quo, and the imbalance of power in society. This dominant news value amongst journalists tends to silence those who are not conceived as newsworthy or seen as less newsworthy, such as older people. While the dominance of elites can be linked to social norms in Malaysia that prevent challenges to the social hierarchy and the maintenance of a high regard for people in authority such as political leaders, the discursive practices of Australian journalists do not align with their role to provide a uniform forum for the exchange of ideas, as elderly Australians are given limited opportunities to be active participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Trabalhos em Lingüística Aplicada is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study examines specifically, the mission statement and ideology as discursive practices of the Mavrodi Mondial Moneybox (MMM) Ponzi scheme. As the demand for transparency in governance, public and private practices increase, there is also a rising proliferation of counter forms of transparency in financial sectors. While studies have focused on the practices of transparency in the reports of public and private institutions, very little attention has been paid to the perils of transparency in mission statements of online scam practices such as Ponzi schemes that parade as transparent financial schemes. Using a critical discourse analytic approach, this study investigates Ponzi schemes in Nigeria and their ideology of a 'transparent economic system'. These schemes claim to operate a mutual benefit fund for the poor and discourage individuals from investing in banks. The critical discourse analysis draws attention to masked discourses of MMM and examines how the transparent discourse of the MMM generally constitutes deceptive discourse. The findings of the study reveal that factual and political arguments and propagandas are strategies of negative other representation that attempt to discredit the government and other legitimate financial institutions and at the same time attempt to control the mind of the participants by presenting the schemes as reliable thereby defrauding their victims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper employs critical discourse analysis to examine how Warsaw citizens (residents) perceived and organized the narratives of their participation in the governance of urban regeneration between 2004 and 2016 and how this evolved over that period. The study reveals citizens' discursive practices, such as the construction of positive and negative identities of the relevant social actors, the binary opposition between 'us and them', the development of new interpretations of urban regeneration, and f nally, the gradual elaboration of a model of empowered citizenship. Drawing on the concept of democratic urban regeneration policymaking, the research suggests that in the case of Warsaw, one can speak of a shift from a citizen discourse of rebellious participation in non-deliberative governance towards one of more consensual and empowering participation in more deliberative governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]