Search

A large and growing body of literature has attempted to devise discussion frameworks for school education. However, conceptualizing deliberation able to appreciate the expression of socially disadvantaged people has received relatively little attention. Since the voices of culturally and linguistically depreciated populations would disappear in the institutionalized deliberation process, this paper aims to extend the meaning of democratic deliberation capable of putting forward marginalized accounts. The paper proposes and builds a temporal speech stage named 'generating deliberation' on which superiority-based claims can weaken through 'expressive speech' anchored in the democratic value of equality. The paper also addresses how expressive speech requires truth-telling based 'mindful speech' as a basis for the democratic value of freedom and a more attentive dialogue of generating deliberation. The article first explores divergent assumptions associated with democratic deliberation and their potential dilemmas in foregrounding socially marginalized people. Next, it examines the concept of critical awareness put to work through Rancière's ideas of dissensus and equality, followed by Foucault's parrhesia and freedom. Whilst navigating the magnitude of freedom and equality, the paper theorizes generating deliberation as an expressive/mindful conversation that illuminates the socially invisible. The process of generating deliberation would ultimately enrich deliberation participants' formative experiences of democracy and education.

Existing distributed leadership (DL) theories tend to focus on distributing financial, material and human resources in order to enhance school performance. However, their impact appears controversial. Critical scholars assert that using DL to promote trust and democracy can be a self-fulfilling prophecy orchestrated by few formal leaders. When being misused as a managerial tool, DL can reinforce epistemic injustice in school. In this conceptual paper, we retheorise DL through the lens of epistemic injustice. Drawing on the concepts of testimonial, hermeneutical and systemic injustice, we analyse how DL practices potentially marginalise, silence, and reject individuals as knowledge contributors due to their deflated credibility, the lack of concepts or language, and systemic discrimination. To build epistemic justice and reciprocity into DL, we propose three moves: building trust and self-trust; re-distributing epistemic resources; and reconfiguring relational justice. This paper makes a theoretical contribution by explicating why and how epistemic injustice is done to disadvantaged individuals in DL. It also serves as the theoretical foundation for future empirical investigations.

Evaluation has been expanding as an important discipline in Latin America, yet there are significant challenges regarding capacity development through educational and training initiatives in the region. This paper first analyzes the evolution and state of the field in terms of the teaching of, and training in evaluation in Latin America, with a special focus on young and emerging evaluators. The paper then draws on published literature, interviews with evaluation experts, and the results of a survey with VOPE leaders and a survey focused on young and emerging evaluators to illustrate Latin American evaluators' challenges and needs in terms of capacity building and training in evaluation. Lastly, this paper provides some examples of innovative activities and strategies that are being put in place by different actors to address training and teaching needs of Latin American evaluators.

This article examines the historical development of the state's actions in educational assessment in Chile from the nineteenth century to the present day, based on the analysis of governmental decrees and regulations related to assessment, and their variability over time. The research identifies six distinctive periods, each of which expresses a different definition of assessment. In these six periods, the state consistently used assessment as a policy tool, hence this phenomenon is not a new or modern one. That much said, the use by the state of assessment has changed its mode of action and purpose. What is distinctive about the present is not only the way in which the state controls education through assessment by demanding the attainment of standards, but also its underlying educational programme which supports the systemic socialisation and economic integration of subjects, rather than their social socialisation and development as citizens.

The frameworks and models employed in conventional policy analysis serve poorly the purpose of examining the impacts of institutions and public policies upon citizenship and democracy. This failing is all the more serious during the current period of non-incremental institutional and public policy change. Such fundamental changes in the landscape of governance include: the diminishing power of Washington and the devolution of authority over many issues to lower levels of government; the movement of many public issues from public to private spheres; the use of market-like incentives in public policies; the emergence of community-based initiatives in policy; and the creation of new institutional forms including new kinds of property rights and regional forums. The purpose of this round table is to raise critical questions about the possible side effects of the "reforms" being undertaken. What will be the impacts on already underserved constituencies? How will institutional and public policy changes affect the mobilization of and participation of groups? How will the attitudes citizens hold about their obligations to government and their conceptions of role of government in society be altered? And, from a research perspective, how should the models and methodologies political scientists and policy analysts be modified to better capture the effects on institutions and policies upon citizenship and democracy?

E-learning plays a key role in an individual's mental growth and a nation's future in today's competitive world. Traditional learning is teacher-centered, and teaching the same subject well every time is tough. Traditional teaching approaches can't be used everywhere. By mitigating this flaw in traditional learning, E-learning becomes a potent weapon for intellectual progress and contributes to intellectual society. Traditional learning's high prices, set hours, and limited classroom access may be avoided through e-learning. People are India's major strength as the world's first and biggest democracy. E-Learning benefits these countries and plays a crucial role in establishing intellectual think tanks that can be utilised by the entire world for constant growth and an aggressive reaction to other nations' logical cultures. In this regard, a more focused approach has been considered on introducing new e-learning methodologies, priorities set for each methodology for easy e-learning, and upcoming technological trends in the field of elearning such as Mobile learning, Microlearning, Beacon learning, Internet of Things(IoT), Cloud-based e-learning, Gamification, and others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines the Labour Party's policies for local school systems, focusing on its proposals for regional Directors of School Standards, for academies and free schools, and for local democracy, and offers an alternative approach.

The aim of this paper is to bring together concepts and commitments from both liberal and queer theories with the purpose of designing an integrated framework for equity-focused education policy analysis and implementation. In essence, we aim to build a conceptual bridge between queer and liberal democratic theories and to develop what we call a "queer democratic framework" for policy analysis and implementation. We use the case of the Fair Accurate Inclusive and Respectful Education Act (FAIR) throughout this paper as an exemplar of how queer policy analysis and implementation change the terms of the policy discussion. We argue that as an example of a policy that comes out of liberal democratic theory, FAIR can only go so far. It is symbolic and positive, but cannot reach emancipatory aims in practice without queer analysis and implementation.

In this article, the author talks about the report "A Crucible Moment: College Learning & Democracy's Future," which provides a blueprint of what higher education ought "not" to do. The document was produced by the Association of American Colleges & Universities (AAC&U), an organization with a long history not only of demanding the advancement of "diversity" over quality, but of using misleading rhetoric to conceal its agenda. While the report opens with a quote from the Constitution and then proceeds to all but ignore the document over the following sixty-nine pages, any serious discussion about civic education must begin with how colleges and universities treat the Constitution in their curriculum. The author points out that the Constitution--in the curriculum, in faculty hiring priorities, in upholding student rights on campus--is a good place to start in the effort to reform civic education. Such an approach could complement rather than necessarily replace the more traditional approach of cultivating objective scholarship, which the AAC&U and its acolytes have so aggressively rejected. (Contains 12 footnotes.)

Global and societal changes present profound challenges and complexities for the future of music education practice and research. In these times of rapid change, four members of the MER editorial board reflect on the need to challenge normalising discourses of music education and encourage new understandings and/or territories within the field. In this viewpoint paper, we proffer four provocations on the themes of music(s) and social justice, climate change and sustainability, peace and democracy and enduring impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and ask how music education can play a central role in future-making. The paper concludes with an invitation to consider special issue proposals that advance similar or new themes.

This paper will argue that resettled refugees' experience of failed citizenship in the United States is actually a bellwether for the challenges of democratic community for all citizens. A primary challenge is the political paradox of forming a community that is heterogeneous, yet is committed, connected, and has the capacity to work together across differences. This tension is often exacerbated by the poor civic education programs that teach stagnant models of citizenship and portray a false unity in civic narrative and experience in the classroom. The paper will then present Emmanual Levinas' concept of the Other and John Dewey's conception of the public as ways to reframe our responsibility to and capacity to work with fellow citizens in diverse democratic communities while also not demanding assimilation or erasure. It will then recommend using experiential learning and Beista's 'community of those who have nothing in common' to reframe civic education in the classroom to combat failed citizenship in all citizens, whether native born or just arrived.

Based on Foucault's concept of the dispositive, the paper attempts to show how societies and schools have been functioning for some time now by regulating three dispositives: juridical, disciplinary, and security. While the crises of the 1970s shifted the combination of dispositives in education in the West towards security, this shift in the rationality of education policy and practice did not occur in Slovenia until the 1990s, following the broader political transition to democracy and a market economy. The paper aims to present these shifts through the structuring of quality assurance mechanisms in education in Slovenia in the previous two decades. First, the concept of quality assurance is presented as part of a broader change in society and education. This is followed by analyses of the dynamics of the conceptualisation, implementation, and regulation of quality assurance in education in Slovenia. Complementarily, following Bourdieu's approach, seven interviews with experts from the field of quality assurance are presented, with the aim of reflecting on the past and shedding light on the current state of affairs in quality assurance in education in Slovenia.

The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between global citizenship, multicultural personality and critical thinking in preservice teachers. The study group consisted of 363 preservice teachers who attend different departments of Faculty of Education in Kutahya. Data collection was done through Scale Universal Citizenship, Multicultural Personality Questionnaire and Critical Thinking Disposition Scale. Because the data exhibited a normal distribution because of preliminary analysis, Pearson product-moment correlation analysis of parametric tests and multiple regression analysis were used for data analysis. According to the findings, there is positive relationship between critical thinking and multicultural personality trends and global citizenship. In other words, as multicultural personality scores increased, level of global citizenship also increased. Or as critical thinking tendencies decreased, the level of universal citizenship decreased. In a society where people adopt universal values and can think critically, democracy, justice and tolerance become dominant. And in a globalized world where there is no critical thinking, consequences of wrong thinking and wrong decisions will end up with global violence, intolerance, injustice, and war that has high destructive power. [This study was presented at the 5th International Social Studies Education Symposium in Denizli.]

Purpose: This paper offers insights into the dynamic of misrecognition in an elite school. It presents new findings on micro-interactional power relations in the classroom and argues for additional ethnographies of social science education in elite schools. Methodology: This paper uses an ethnographic method. Its research employs the observational position of a "belonging stranger" is put forward in contrast to the idea of "going native". The focus is on the power of micro-interaction. Findings: A key empirical finding is the change in power relations that occurs when students outrank their social science teacher in subject knowledge.

This paper reviews the literature on citizenship education and examines the factors that have influenced trends in citizenship education in the Republic of Turkey since its foundation in 1923. The aim of this paper is to discuss the general tendencies and practices in citizenship education that have shaped how Turkish youth perceived citizenship throughout the Republic's history. By addressing three important aspects of these tendencies and traditions (history, geography, and geopolitics), the author will discuss whether Turkey is prepared to produce globally minded citizens in today's interconnected world. The history of civic education in modern Turkey can be divided into four time periods, as organized by Ince (2012): The Single Party period (1923-1946), the Democratic Party period (1946-1960), the first military intervention period (1960-1980), and the second military intervention period (1980 onward).

This paper considers what decolonizing film education might mean through a series of research initiatives undertaken across different cultures which explore social media platforms for creating moving image sequences. The paper attends to three factors in the current climate of education: the accessibility of the medium, its immediacy in dissemination, and the democratizing effect that these conditions have had on the medium of film. Working with these three conditions in contemporary film education, the case studies described include workshops that aimed to shift the curriculum from film canons to proposing the introduction of concepts. Furthermore, elided histories are explored through site-specific projects that show how decolonial processes allow these histories to be reclaimed in film practice, and for marginal subjectivities to be made visible. Finally, the proposal of decolonial processes seeks to work with creating opportunities for social and historical visibilities. The proposition is to work with film(ed) evidence as material connected to broader social justice issues that are expressed through aesthetic forms closely associated with decolonial processes and described as decolonial aesthesis.

Information has been omnipresent and all-powerful for almost two centuries, and now possesses sophisticated and invasive means of imposing itself and creating opinion. It was crucial in the Enlightenment and in the preparation of the French Revolution by the intellectual and bourgeois elites. Its characteristic is to be the opposite of intangible truths, to be moving, malleable and adaptable. It is the new replacing the old. It is bracketed by history, because it ignores tradition and no longer needs the past. The creation of opinion in the 18th century introduced a concept of freedom that in fact conceals totalitarianism. People are told what to think. Information is a weapon against all forms of personal reflection and inner life. It imposes itself and imposes, making it impossible to distance oneself. It even kills the democracy it boasts about.

Purpose: This paper aims to confront some of the many facets of academic freedom as a whole, including the shared concerns with Western academia, its relationship to the politics of Arab society and the relevance of these issues within local political domains. It attempts to profile the problems hindering societal progress beyond the seemingly defined truth. While this subject has many facets, this article only examines academic freedom within the scope of knowledge and inquiry derived from the revered text of the Qur'an, including its relation to democracy and radicalism. It is an effort to refocus Arab intellectual dialogue on its ailing academia. It also argues for Arab society to reclaim its core culture of Islam as an enabler of learning aside from the Eurocentric perspective of academic freedom. Design/methodology/approach: This paper uses an expository and persuasive format in its novel perspective. This expository form sets out the argument of academic freedom as being indigenous to Arab-Islamic heritage and pursues a persuasive statement for its resolution. This format outlines the main familiar aspects of academic freedom and lays out its components within Arab-Islamic history. Findings: This paper provides insights and arguments supporting its main theory. It suggests that Arabs must judiciously consider what their education will look like and accomplish in the next 100 years, considering the sociopolitical status quo and the chances of changing it. It argues that academic freedom is indigenous to Arab-Islamic early history, academia and knowledge governance. Therefore, Arab academia must not ignore its heritage to examine what hinders education and intellectualism. It concludes with the point that reinstalling a culture of knowledge will create a relevant democracy. Research limitations/implications: The implications for research, practice and society are vast. Further academic freedom research would redefine terms of processes, change the role of academic leadership, debunk locally dominated politics, introduce learning-first policies, balance inequalities in gender, abolish academic tribalism and move past colonialist ideas and predominance. For researchers, this point of view would open doors for new scholastic approaches. Practical implications: This paper includes practical implications that stem from an approach that would provoke practical possibilities and call for more academic conversations. Further conversations should explore and debate the gaps in Arab-Islamic knowledge history. The Global South of the Arab World or the Middle East and Northern Africa/Southwest Asia North Africa region could consider drafting a contemporary MENA account of a Magna Charta Libertatis Academicae or a Magna Charta Universitatum that is galvanized by Arab revivable heritage. Moreover, It would be productive if Western universities that operate in the Arab World would also take an active role in denouncing undemocratic practices and not merely operate as commercial enterprises. Social implications: Realizing academic freedom in Arab institutions will have a positive spillover effect on Arab society, including thriving and free media, freedom of speech and gender issues. Academic freedom is one of the main elements in structuring free political culture that adhere to the principles of tolerance. Academic freedom is necessary for showing all contesting ideas in a better light and, ultimately, achieving a form of intellectual equipoise. Originality/value: This paper concerns academic freedom in the Arab-Islamic World. The majority of academic freedom scholarship today assumes a Western democratic context in discussing or even arguing against it. The paper's focus is a novel expansion of that literature.

Recognizing the importance of information literacy in defining the primary focus of library instruction, this paper suggests the potential utility of a complementary principle of information creativity. Employers and educators now increasingly stress creativity's value and teachability; this paper turns to the work of John Dewey to suggest that the traditional distinction between creativity and literacy education is not only unavoidable but also potentially productive. This paper offers some initial suggestions as to what a framework for information creativity might entail, and proposes that an emphasis on information creativity could both highlight the familiar association between libraries and creativity and inspire a theory and practice of creativity that strengthens traditions of democratic social progress.

In response to the contemporary problematic of populism and associated reactionary right-wing politics, this paper argues for a greater analytic focus on the role of schools and teacher expertise in understanding the social relations of populism. This conceptual paper builds a conjunctural conceptualisation of populism that understands it as an invariable political modality of modern democracies, mobilised to different political ends. Extending this analysis, I explore the ways in which schools and teacher expertise lie at the heart of the populist tension between the 'expert' and the 'layperson'. The social relationships to knowledge and knowledge-making institutions are fundamental to populism as well as the hierarchies of being understood (or not) as a 'knower' capable of truth-claims in modern liberal democracies. I conclude by arguing the need to engage in the social relations of 'popular' and 'expert' knowledge claims and the politics that underlie them.

In this paper, the authors explore how teachers and community members in Nepal come together to transform students' science teaching and science learning experiences. The community members, primarily parents of the students, took the opportunity to drive the kinds of science topics and the nature of science activities the teachers needed to teach in their children's science classrooms. This paper qualitatively documents the interactions between the teachers and the community members, the teachers' decisions regarding their science lessons, and the nature of critical consciousness discourses in teachers' built-in classroom interactions with students. The data were collected over 8 weeks through classroom observations, interviews, and student artifacts. The analysis showed that community-initiated partnership with science teachers builds science teaching that values critical community well-being and that the teachers have the agency to provide spaces for learning focused on critical consciousness. The paper uses transformative learning theory, liberation social psychology, and deliberative democracy as the guiding theoretical perspectives to understand transformative science teaching through teacher--community partnership.

This paper examines the formation of the teachers' movement in South Korea, focusing on the publication of the short-lived magazine "Minjung Gyoyuk" (People's Education) in 1985. Progressive teachers published this magazine to systematically critique the education practises of the time and seek a new direction for education under repressive conditions, which led to dismissals and arrests of the contributors. This incident became central to the formation of the Korean Teachers' Union (KTU) in 1989, which emerged in the milieu of compressed growth and the struggle for democratisation. By looking at the cultural notions of shame as a source of struggle, the paper examines the complexity of political and social values inherent in the progressive movement, undergone in the process of compressed modernisation and democratisation.

This paper explores experience that is both misconstrued and under theorized in adult education. Human experience is expressed in the public sphere as the motivation for social and political change. The connections among experience, the public sphere, and democracy are identified. The allies in exploring the role of experience in education are John Dewey and Jack Mezirow's transformation theory and their understanding is a basis for outlining a more critical theory-inspired understanding of education as the reconstruction of experience. The work of Oskar Negt on experience will be the starting point for engaging in re-thinking the role of experience in education. This will be the basis for exploring the transformation of experience as a way of better understanding aspects of Mezirow's theory of transformative learning. The author concludes with a brief presentation of sociological imagination as the key to developing a pedagogy of imagination and a pedagogy of the transformation of experience. Hannah Arendt's work provides a thread woven through the paper.

Following ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) in 1989, councils involving young people have become widespread, both in developed and developing countries. However, these councils are said to reflect the hierarchical nature of parliamentary and representative democracy, leading to tokenistic participation. Studies on the formal structures of youth participation have tended to focus on their failings and reveal little about structures and processes that might encourage youth participation. To address this gap, this paper examines three youth councils in Denmark and argues that the structures of these youth councils -- referred to as 'dialogic democracy' in this paper -- are what encourage effective participation, ensure the fairness of decision-making processes and develop young people's citizenship skills so that they can have agency in the arena of local policy. Crucially, dialogic democracy can be seen as a form of informal learning, with peer learning being central. Lessons can therefore be drawn for developing citizenship education programmes in other national contexts.

Teachers matter. They make a difference in the life of the individual and the society at large. Hence, their education and training has always been at the centre of any government's education policy. This paper focuses on teacher education in Albania. The narrative describes and analyzes the main milestones in teacher education during the four historical periods of Albania: the National Awakening, Independence, Totalitarianism and Post-totalitarianism. The main thrust of the paper is to examine how the historical, political and socio-cultural factors interrelate to influence on teacher education and pedagogy at certain points in time of Albania's history. The paper reveals the way the western educational ideas that emerged and evolved during the pre World War II period were suppressed during totalitarianism, but were reasserted when Albania transitioned to democracy.

This paper interrogates whether technical democracy is well-suited to contend with possible technical controversies, including the increasing prevalence of EdTech in public schooling. Drawing across Habermasian 'deliberative democracy' that seeks consensus-derived resolution, as well as more agonistic approaches that embrace conflict as the means for pursuing pluralistic values, we use this paper to problematise technical democracy for its potential to produce agonistic and pluralistic im/possibilities. Drawing on case studies developed from our previous research into digital platforms and infrastructures, we consider what an alternative to technical democracy might offer towards realising democratic ideals through what we call technical agonism. Using these thinking tools, we argue that a move towards technical agonism would centre dissension and scepticism as fundamental features of liberal democratic institutions, while also providing opportunities for schooling to be reimagined in ways that are more democratic and ethical.

The use of automated decision-making systems is increasing in education. While the potential impacts of ADM are becoming widely known amongst experts, the perspectives of those impacted by ADM remain peripheral. To broaden expertise and participation, this paper proposes that ADM needs to be considered as a sociotechnical controversy, as part of a technical democracy approach that utilises hybrid forums. Following Callon and colleagues, in this paper, technical democracy refers to the process of learning through uncertainty about sociotechnical controversies, and hybrid forums refer to the specific sites of democratisation. This paper first identifies key uses and concerns with ADM in education. Second, it proposes that restricted capacity for participation can be addressed through technical democracy. Last, it proposes that hybrid forums can create moments of democratisation through shared uncertainty, material politics, and collective experimentation.

There is a broad impetus across policy and institutional domains to expand public engagement and involvement with emerging technology research and innovation. Yet innovative theory, methods, and practices to critically explore algorithmic system controversies and democratic possibilities are still in nascent form. In this paper, we bring together thinking about public pedagogy, infrastructuring, and democratic design to introduce a novel "pedagogic encounters toolkit," where pedagogic encounters are defined as: opportunities for learning together about the emergence, relationality, and uncertainty of algorithmic system controversies. A framework with accompanying practices and examples is outlined for researchers, policymakers, and practitioners to creatively and critically explore these pedagogic encounters within specific contexts. We conclude with implications for future investigations attentive to making democratic designs in a datafied society. In doing so, this paper informs theoretical and methodological innovation to the study of algorithmic system controversies and democratising technology.