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Background While drug user organizations (DUO) have received public health attention as a means to potentially reduce the harms associated with drug use, there is a lack of research on the compensation and structural forces that promote or inhibit participation in DUO. Against the backdrop of structural vulnerability experienced by people who use drugs (PWUD), we examined the impact of monetary ‘volunteer stipends' provided through a DUO and explore their role in providing low-threshold employment opportunities and shaping participation in DUO. Methods Participants were purposively sampled to reflect a range of perspectives and experiences volunteering at Vancouver Area Network of Drug Users (VANDU) and receiving stipends. Semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted with 23 members of VANDU. Interview transcripts were coded in Atlas.ti 7 for key a priori themes and emergent categories from the data and analyzed thematically. Results Stipends provided participants with symbolic and material recognition of the time, effort, and expertise they contribute to the organization, and functioned to facilitate ongoing participation. Payments that rewarded, skills, labour and drug-related knowledge reduced participant's perception of stigma against PWUD. Paid work in VANDU further provided participants with non-material benefits commonly attributed to regular employment, including social connections and a sense of purpose. Participants also identified the low level of pay as a limitation of VANDU's paid participation program. The daily demands of survival (accessing shelter, food, and drugs) posed more complex structural vulnerabilities to participate in VANDU, as small stipends were not sufficient to address these needs. Conclusion Low threshold employment opportunities within DUO may provide significant individual and public health benefits. However, these benefits are constrained by the small size of stipends. Therefore, to ensure better inclusion of PWUD, our findings recommend the development and expansion of equitable, accessible, well-paying employment programs for PWUD.

Background Over the past several decades, there have been numerous peer-reviewed articles written about people who use drugs (PWUDs) from the Downtown Eastside neighborhood of Vancouver, Canada. While individual researchers have engaged and acknowledged this population as participants and community partners in their work, there has been comparatively little attention given to the role of PWUDs and drug user organizations in directing, influencing, and shaping research agendas. Methods In this community-driven research, we examine 20 years of peer-reviewed studies, university theses, books, and reports that have been directed, influenced, and shaped by members of the activist organization the Vancouver Area Network of Drug Users (VANDU). In this paper, we have summarized VANDU’s work based on different themes from each article. Results After applying the inclusion criteria to over 400 articles, 59 items containing peer-reviewed studies, books, and reports were included and three themes of topics researched or discussed were identified. Theme 1: ‘health needs’ of marginalized groups was found in 39% of articles, Theme 2: ‘evaluation of projects’ related to harm reduction in 19%, and Theme 3: ‘activism’ related work in 42%. Ninety-four percent of co-authors were from British Columbia and 44% of research was qualitative. Works that have been co-authored by VANDU’s members or acknowledged their participations created 628 citations. Moreover, their work has been accessed more than 149,600 times. Conclusions Peer-based, democratic harm reduction organizations are important partners in facilitating groundbreaking health and social research, and through research can advocate for the improved health and wellbeing of PWUDs and other marginalized groups in their community. This article also recommends that PWUDs should be more respectfully engaged and given appropriate credit for their contributions.

OBJECTIVES: Globally, engaging people who have used drugs, or peers, in decision-making has been increasingly touted as a best practice approach to developing priorities, programs, and policies. Peer engagement ensures decisions are relevant, appropriate, and effective to the affected community. However, ensuring that inclusion is accessible and equitable for those involved remains a challenge. In this study, we examined the perspectives of people who use or have used illicit drugs (PWUD) on peer engagement in health and harm reduction settings across British Columbia (BC), Canada. METHODS: The Peer Engagement and Evaluation Project used a participatory approach to conducting 13 peer-facilitated focus groups (n = 83) across BC. Focus group data were coded and analyzed with five peer research assistants. Themes about the nature of peer engagement were generated. From this analysis, peer engagement barriers and enablers were identified. RESULTS: Barriers to peer engagement included individual, geographical, systemic, and social factors. Issues related to stigma, confidentiality, and mistrust were intensely discussed among participants. Being “outed” in one’s community was a barrier to engagement, particularly in rural areas. Participants voiced that compensation, setting, and the right people help facilitate and motivate engagement. Peer networks are an essential ingredient to engagement by promoting support and advocacy. CONCLUSION: PWUD are important stakeholders in decisions that affect them. This cross-jurisdictional study investigated how PWUD have experienced engagement efforts in BC, identifying several factors that influence participation. Meaningful engagement can be facilitated by attention to communication, relationships, personal capacity, and compassion between peers and other professionals.

Many cities around the globe have experienced substantial increases in crack cocaine use. Public health programmes have begun to address crack smoking, primarily through the distribution of safer crack use equipment, but their impacts have been limited. More comprehensive safer environmental interventions, specifically safer smoking rooms (SSR), have been implemented only in select European cities. However, none have been subjected to rigorous evaluation. This ethnographic study was undertaken at an 'unsanctioned' SSR operated by a drug user-led organization in Vancouver, Canada, to explore how this intervention shaped crack smoking practices, public crack smoking, and related harms.Ethnographic fieldwork was undertaken at this SSR from September to December 2011, and included approximately 50 hours of ethnographic observation and 23 in-depth interviews with people who smoke crack. Data were analyzed by drawing on the 'Risk Environment' framework and concepts of 'symbolic', 'everyday', and 'structural' violence.Our findings illustrate how a high demand for SSRs was driven by the need to minimize exposure to policing (structural violence), drug scene violence (everyday violence), and stigma (symbolic violence) that characterized unregulated drug use settings (e.g., public spaces). Although resource scarcity and social norms operating within the local drug scene (e.g., gendered power relations) perpetuated crack pipe-sharing within unregulated drug use settings, the SSR fostered harm reduction practices by reshaping the social-structural context of crack smoking and reduced the potential for health harms.Given the significant potential of SSRs in reducing health and social harms, there is an urgent need to scale up these interventions. Integrating SSRs into public health systems, and supplementing these interventions with health and social supports, has potential to improve the health and safety of crack-smoking populations.

Background Injecting drugs safely almost always includes the presence of one's social network, especially for the prevention of overdose. Yet, the systematic analysis of users' social networks has yet to be established as a focal method in harm reduction research, and interventions. Methods This study draws from 200 interviews with persons who inject drugs recruited from North America's first sanctioned supervised injection facility and a drug user's advocacy group. Respondents were asked about the individuals they personally considered as facilitators of harm reduction, and the relations between them. Collectively, these 200 respondents provided over 900 individuals whom they considered as members of their harm reduction network. The aim was to locate individuals that would potentially make the network denser (harm reduction champions) and users that were situated in the "periphery" of the network, and in practice, further away from the harm reduction core. Results Of the 1135 network members, 63 individuals formed the "core" of the harm reduction network, collectively reaching approximately 70% of individuals in the network. We also uncovered 31 individuals that acted as "articulation points"– these individuals were not as connected, but were more effective at reaching peripheral individuals. Conclusion Former or current injecting drug users that were sampled were surrounded by a relatively rich harm reduction network, but the network approach showed that only a minority of individuals were true harm reduction "champions". Recruitment of a combination of well-connected harm reduction champions, and strategically connected articulation points, would be most effective in planning network interventions that encourage harm reduction behaviors among this population.