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Social media drug markets are likely to present people participating in these spaces with new vulnerabilities to law enforcement. There is currently limited research on how people perceive and manage the risk of exposure to law enforcement in social media drug markets. This is particularly notable considering widespread practices of user data collection and the normalization of surveillance as part of social media engagement. We present a thematic analysis of data from anonymous online interviews with people who buy and sell drugs (N = 33) via social media and messaging apps in New Zealand. We use the concept of "imagined surveillance" to explore how participants adapted existing understandings of online surveillance to online risk management strategies to avoid police. Most participants reported low concern for exposure to law enforcement while using social media and messaging apps for drug trading. Nevertheless, almost all participants took active risk management measures. Examples of strategies used included limiting the accumulation of evidence via self-deleting messages or arranging drug trades using code language. Participants often also reported low concern for their digital trace data to be accessed by police. Navigating law enforcement risk in social media drug markets is likely to be informed and shaped by more general perceptions of digital privacy risk and related management strategies, particularly in more normalized drug market contexts. The potential for broader and unexpected consequences to result from the use of drug-related digital trace data across public and private contexts is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Despite extant research focusing on music festivals as a site of encounters with police drug detection dogs, people who use drugs report encounters in a range of other settings. • People who regularly use MDMA/ecstasy are significantly more likely than those who regularly inject drugs to report an encounter with drug dogs. • Despite this, people who regularly inject drugs are significantly more likely to report an encounter which involves being stopped and/or searched, or which results in criminal justice consequences including receiving a fine, being arrested, or having their drugs confiscated. • We recommend that the use of drug dogs be removed from all community settings, including music festivals, public transportation hubs and other public spaces. Drug detection dogs are utilised across multiple settings, however existing literature focuses predominantly on festival-based encounters. We compare drug dog encounters in non-festival settings among two samples of people who regularly use drugs, and investigate factors associated with witness only versus stop and/or search encounters. Australians who regularly (i.e., ≥monthly) use ecstasy and/or other illegal stimulants (n = 777; Ecstasy and Related Drugs Reporting System (EDRS)) or inject illegal drugs (n = 862; Illicit Drugs Reporting System (IDRS)) were surveyed between April-June, 2019. Univariable regression analyses were used to test for differences in drug dog encounters between samples, and to identify factors associated with a more intensive drug dog encounter (namely those that involved a stop and/or search). People who inject drugs were less likely to witness drug dogs than those who regularly use ecstasy and/or other illegal stimulants (odds ratio (OR) 0.46; 95 % CI 0.30–0.69). They were significantly more likely than EDRS participants to report being stopped and searched (3.29; 1.68–6.44) however. Among those carrying drugs at their last stop and/or search encounter, the majority of both samples reported that their drugs were not detected by police. IDRS participants aged 35–49 were more likely to report a stop and/or search encounter than those aged 17–34; no significant associations were found among the EDRS sample. Despite participants who use ecstasy and/other stimulants being more likely than those who regularly inject drugs to report encountering drug dogs in non-festival settings, participants who inject drugs were more likely to report an intensive or invasive drug dog encounter and/or receiving a formal criminal justice consequence. This study reinforces questions about the efficacy and appropriateness of drug dog operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Australia drug profiling had its formal beginnings during the early 2000s. Initially, this involved the development of a heroin signature program by the Australian Federal Police and the National Measurement Institute, which was then expanded to include cocaine, and by 2007 both programs had reached a mature state. From then, the focus switched to high volume synthetic drugs such as methylamphetamine. This paper describes the expansion of the Australian Illicit Drug Intelligence Program (AIDIP) to include a range of chemical signatures aimed at investigating the clandestine manufacturing methods and precursor chemicals used for synthetic drugs such as methylamphetamine. It also describes the commencement of the Enhanced National Intelligence Picture Illicit Drugs (ENIPID), which was designed to monitor domestic drug seizures in the Australian States and Territories with the goal of establishing links to drug trafficking into Australia. Examples of links between domestic, Border and international seizures are explored. Finally, the changing nature of drug trafficking into Australia during the last decade is considered in the context of how forensic chemistry laboratories need to be adaptable and willing to evolve as the threat from illicit drugs evolves. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

After specific rules establishing whether a molecule is a ‘structural modification’ of a drug molecule, the analogue drug provisions in the various Acts legislated by States and the Commonwealth of Australia rely on rules that determine if a putative drug is ‘structurally similar’ to a dangerous or controlled drug listed by the Act. In some legislation there is a provision for a suitable expert to assert that the two structures are similar. A survey of more than 200 research chemists at UNSW Australia, who are not usually involved in legal matters, asked them to state whether six pairs of molecules were structurally similar or not. There is some correlation with Tanimoto similarity, a measure of similarity often used in pharmaceutical drug discovery, but the use of such an objective measure is not advocated at this time. The concepts of addition of groups, and of replacement of ring structures are discussed in the light of cases and of chemical and general definitions. Regularising the law with chemical understanding and practice is strongly recommended. As similar laws have been enacted in other countries, the conclusions reached here will have interest in jurisdictions outside Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Background: In 2013 the Queensland Government introduced criminal association and mandatory sentencing laws for members of outlaw motorcycle gangs (OMCGs). Forms of "criminal association" or "anti-bikie" laws have been introduced in several Australian jurisdictions, and recent High Court decisions upholding their constitutionality will ensure that they remain part of our justice landscape. Generally, the aims of these laws are to declare a specific organisation as "criminal" and impose various legal orders and offences that thwart the consorting of members and address organised crime, such as unexplained wealth regimes. There have been significant criticisms of these styles of association laws both here and internationally. The aim of this research is to show the extent of involvement of OMCGs in the drug trade and associated organised crime activity, and whether anti-association laws are an effective response to this type of organised criminal activity.Methods: This paper relied on six years of data outlining the criminal activity of OMCGs from the Queensland Police Service (QPS) obtained under the legislative framework of The Queensland Right to Information Act (RTI) 2009. Information obtained from the Queensland Commission into Organised Crime (2015) and Queensland Taskforce into organised crime legislation (2015) was also used.Results: The data suggest that the role of OMCGs in the drug market has been overstated and is not as dominant as has been portrayed by government agencies and the popular media. Generally, OMCGs account for less than one percent of organised crime type activity. This is also true for drug type offences where OMCGs are responsible for less than one percent of offences. The findings show that the Queensland example has highlighted the ineffectiveness of the criminal association laws and the mandatory sentencing provisions in that they have had little impact on drug market activity and little success in the courts.Conclusion: The analysis presented here is twofold: an examination of the legal ramifications and an evaluation of the investigative utility of such laws from a policy evaluation standpoint. In both cases, there is little evidence to suggest that these laws are an effective or appropriate response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the number of new 'psychoactive substances' detected globally has risen exponentially, the policy response of assessing and prohibiting each new substance individually has become increasingly unworkable. In an attempt to disrupt the availability of new as-yet-unscheduled substances, Ireland (2010), Poland (2011), Romania (2012), New Zealand (2013), Australia (2015) and the United Kingdom (2016) have enacted generic or blanket ban legislation that prohibits all 'psychoactive substances' that are not already regulated or belong to exempt categories. How such generic legislation defines 'psychoactive substance' is therefore crucial. While there is a growing critical literature relating to blanket bans of 'psychoactive substances', the Australian legislation is yet to be described or critically analysed. In this commentary, we aim to draw the attention of local and international drug policy scholars to Australia's newest legislative approach to 'psychoactive substances'. Using the Australian experience as a case study, we first describe and trace the origins of this generic banning approach, especially focusing on how 'psychoactive effect' came to be defined. Then, we critically examine the assumptions underpinning this definition and the possibilities silenced by it, drawing on the work of poststructuralist and critical scholars. In doing so, we explore and raise a series of questions about how this legislation works to stabilise drugs, drug harms and drug effects, as well as addiction realities; how the category of 'psychoactive substances' is produced through this legislation; and some of the material-discursive effects which accompany this rendering of the 'problem'. We offer this commentary not as a comprehensive discussion of each of these elements but rather as a starting-point to promote further discussion and debate within the drug policy field. To this end, we conclude with a suggested research agenda that may help guide such future work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: International drug law enforcement agencies have identified an apparent rise in high level drug traffickers choosing to deal in multiple different drugs. It is hypothesised that this may be a "deliberate modus operandi" and that the formation of "portfolios of trades" may make such traffickers more profitable, harmful and resilient to changes in drug supply and policing. In this paper we provide the first exploration of the extent, nature and harms of poly-drug trafficking at Australian borders.Methods: Two different methods were used. First, we used Australian Federal Police (AFP) data on all commercial level seizures at the Australian border from 1999 to 2012 to identify the proportion of seizures that were poly-drug and trends over time. Second, we used unit-record data on a sub-set of 20 drug trafficking cases and linked-cases (defined as the original drug trafficking case and all other criminal cases that were connected via common offenders and/or suspects) to compare the profiles of poly-drug and mono-drug traffickers, including: the total weight and type of drug seized, the value of assets seized, and the level of involvement in other crime (such as money laundering and corruption).Results: Between 5% and 35% of commercial importations at the Australian border involved poly-drug trafficking. Poly-drug trafficking occurred in almost every year of analysis (1999-2012), but it increased only slightly over time. Compared to mono-drug traffickers poly-drug traffickers were characterised by: larger quantities of drugs seized, larger networks, longer criminal histories and more involvement in other types of serious crime.Conclusion: Some fears about poly-drug traffickers may have been overstated particularly about the inherent escalation of this form of trafficking. Nevertheless, this suggests poly-drug traffickers are likely to pose added risks to governments and law enforcement than mono-drug traffickers. They may necessitate different types of policy responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mantra of "evidence-based policy" is continuing to gain ground, with calls for public policy to be informed by scientific evidence. However, in many areas of public policy the role of evidence and science is highly contested. This is amply demonstrated in the area of illegal drugs policy. Illegal drugs policy, concerned with governments' approaches to controlling the sale and use of drugs such as heroin, cocaine, and cannabis, is a highly contested area, and hence a fruitful case example of the complexity of policy. The features of illicit drug policy explored in this paper are: government actors, which span multiple departments; political ambivalence and multiple stakeholders outside government; community attitudes and a high media profile. These features need to be taken into account in understanding the relationship between policy and research evidence. In this context, the role of research evidence can be fraught. Examination of a number of current 'hot topics' in drug policy demonstrates the variety of ways in which evidence is used in drug policy processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim. To estimate how much governments in Australia spend on reducing and dealing with illicit drug problems. Methods. Government documents and supplementary information sources were used to estimate drug-related expenditure for the financial year 2002-03, in Australian dollars. Public sector expenditure on reducing drug problems ('proactive expenditure') was classified into four policy functions: prevention, treatment, harm reduction and enforcement. Expenditure related to the consequences of drug use ('reactive expenditure') was included as a separate category. Results. Spending by Australian governments in financial year 2002-03 on all drug-related activities was estimated to be $3.2 billion. Proactive expenditure was estimated to be $1.3 billion, comprising 55% on enforcement, 23% on prevention, 17% on treatment, 3% on harm reduction and 1% on activities that span several of these functions. Expenditure on dealing with the consequences of drug use was estimated to be $1.9 billion, with the majority the result of crime-related consequences. Conclusion. Several insights result from estimating these expenditures. First, law enforcement is the largest drug policy component, with Australian governments also spending significant amounts on treatment and prevention programmes. Secondly, apart from the prevention component, Australia's drug policy mix is strikingly similar to recent international estimates. Finally, expenditures associated with dealing with the consequences of illicit drugs are large and important for assessing drug-related public sector expenditure. [Moore TJ. The size and mix of government spending on illicit drug policy in Australia. Drug Alcohol Rev 2008;27:404-413] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of policies in relation to unsupervised doses of methadone (take-away doses) should be based upon the best available evidence. There are both risks and benefits associated with take-away doses. This study aimed to explore the relationship between take-away policies and one measure of harm: methadone injection rates. Six different states in Australia were compared in relation to their methadone take-away policy and rates of methadone injection within their population of injecting drug users. At a simplistic level, those states with restrictive and less flexible take-away policies tended to have the lowest reported prevalence of methadone injection. However, this does not fully explain variability in methadone injecting. There were also considerable differences between those states with similar take-away policies. Variables which appear to impact upon methadone injecting rates include: take-away policies, drug preference, drug availability, treatment availability and degree of treatment penetration. Consideration of the benefits, rather than merely the harms, of various take-away policy options may provide an evidence-based platform for take-away policy development. [Ritter A, Di Natale R. The relationship between take-away methadone policies and methadone diversion . Drug Alcohol Rev 2005;24:347 – 352] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author shares his reflections on drug prohibition and drug laws in Australia. Topics discussed include the easy access to illicit drugs, the expansion of the drug treatment and needle and syringe programs in Australia which led to a reduction in cases of hepatitis C, and recommendations relating to drug law reforms including the regulation of cannabis, drug checking and increasing the threshold for drug offences.