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In this paper, I present a framework for GVC‐oriented industrial policy that merges the so‐called GVC perspective and the so‐called developmentalist perspective—the latter of which is a perspective that industrial policy is most often analysed through, but has been somewhat neglected by the GVC perspective. I argue that the GVC perspective too quickly dismisses the relevance of industrial policy in the East Asian development experience, particularly those in South Korea and Taiwan between roughly 1960 and 1990. By drawing on the industrialisation experiences of these two countries, my framework for industrial policy suggests that the GVC perspective's ideas for industrial policy would be strengthened by more clearly acknowledging the continued importance of three observations by the developmentalist perspective: (a) the need for governments in developing countries to bargain with foreign investors for the purpose of domestic industrialisation; (b) policy design should not only focus on increasing exports, but also focus on replacing some imports with domestic production; and (c) linking up to the value chains of transnational corporations based in high‐income countries can bring about some benefits, but ultimately, successful industrialisation necessitates a degree of competing with transnational corporations. State‐owned enterprises have historically played an important role in this respect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the rise of anti-Korean sentiment in contemporary Taiwan particularly at the turn of the 2010s. It moves beyond conceptualizing emotion as psychological status to conceive anti-Korean sentiment as a cultural text that debunks the complexity of emotion as an active agent of collective (un)consciousness. Specifically, the paper considers anti-Korean sentiment in Taiwan as an affective space where young Taiwanese demonstrate their active engagement in (re)locating Taiwan in the global imaginative map and their struggle for national identity in the midst of increasing geopolitical tensions in East Asia. Instead of seeing anti-Korean sentiment from an international relations perspective, this paper studies anti-Korean sentiment from a bottom-up perspective through in-depth interviews with young Taiwanese who are actively engaging with anti-Korean discussions and explore various ways that anti-Korean sentiment mediates and transforms imaginative relations between Taiwan and Korea and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies of East Asian welfare regimes focus on similarities between social security schemes. In contrast, this paper explores cross-national variations in public–private pension mixes in six welfare states: China, Hong Kong, Japan, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan. Our research echoes the pension policy analysis of international organisations but takes a step forward with emphasis on the historical and institutional characteristics of the respective pension systems. The analysis identifies three institutional patterns. First, the statist pension system (Taiwan and China) primarily relies on public pensions to provide old-age security, with private pensions playing a rather minor role. Second, in the dualist pension system (Japan and Korea) both public and private pensions work in parallel to ensure retirement income, though a clear security gap exists between workers in the formal and informal economies. Finally, the individualist pension system (Hong Kong and Singapore) is characterised by genuine fully funded individual accounts, emphasising citizens' own responsibilities for ensuring old-age security. These three types of pension systems demonstrate distinct institutional characteristics and policy outcomes, illustrated by the juxtaposition of their institutional structures as well as by the comparison of key indicators collected from government reports and Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development statistics. The paper concludes with a theoretical reflection of East Asian pension policies and a diagnosis of the distinct challenges confronted by each of the various pension patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Family Therapy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article critically reviews the national innovation systems of the four little tigers in East Asia, namely Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan and South Korea, in fostering R&D and technological research. A national innovation system is characterised by the interactions between the state, industries and universities in promoting innovation. This article attempts to explore such interactions in the four societies, paying particular attention to the role of higher education. Specifically, university–industry collaboration is the main body of analysis. Drawing from comparative perspectives, this article finally maps out the national innovation systems of East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Old-age income security has become one of the most important social policy issues in two East Asian emerging welfare states, South Korea and Taiwan, as they transform at a remarkable pace into societies with a representation of older people approaching that of western countries. During the last two decades, the two countries have developed different forms of social protection for older people. South Korea has expanded social insurance pensions with means-tested benefits, whereas Taiwan has introduced flat-rate old-age allowance programmes that exclude the rich rather than target the poor. much has been written about these programmes, but their actual performance in reducing old-age poverty has not been thoroughly examined. This paper analyses the anti-poverty effect of these programmes, firstly by describing recent developments in the two countries, and secondly by examining headcount poverty rates and the size and incidence of the 'poverty gap' using nationally-representative micro-household datasets. We argue that while the programmes have increasingly reduced old-age income security, the different policy choices have resulted in distinctive welfare outcomes in the two countries. In the final section of the article, we discuss the long-term implications of the recent policy reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores social stratification and social inequality in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan by comprehensively analyzing the effects of occupation on one's class status. In this paper, the author examines the effects that a person's occupational conditions, such as occupation (interpreted narrowly), employment status, type of employment contract (standard or non-standard), and company size, have on his/her individual income and class consciousness, and how these effects vary within East Asian societies on the basis of each society's unique labor market structure and local institutions. The analysis of the 2005 Social Stratification and Social Mobility (SSM) survey data led to the following findings. On the whole, the effects of occupational conditions on income and class consciousness are similar within all these societies. However, the relative impacts of these conditions differ considerably. While occupation (narrowly interpreted) has predominant effects in Taiwan, the effects of company size and type of employment contract are also considerable in Japan, and partly so in Korea. It is also notable that in the case of Japanese males, company size and type of employment contract have significant effects on class consciousness, even after the effects of individual income are controlled. These effects can be attributed to some factors that are unique to the Japanese management system, such as career-long employment and the wage seniority system that are usually offered to the standard male employees of large companies. From these findings, we can conclude that we should focus on local institutional factors as well as global factors for a better understanding of present-day social stratification and social inequality in East Asian societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Provide a comprehensive overview of the solidarity in health and long-term care sectors. • The overall direction of reforms is developing toward universal coverage. • Reforms might be possible without overall consensus on solidarity. • The pay-as-you-go financial arrangements will require strong intergenerational solidarity. • The capacity of informal caregiving of family could be considered. Different from the development of health sector, there are significant variations in the underpinnings and formation timings of solidarity-based long-term care (LTC) systems. This paper compares the historical developmental trajectories and identifies factors of the transitions of the actual practices of solidarity - the scope of community, the scope of interdependence, and the costs of joint action - in the health and LTC sectors in four East Asian countries: Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore. Comparative policy analysis. Healthcare tends to be considered a universal value such that its boundary should include all residents, while LTC is closer to an entitlement of citizens. The differing solidarity reflects path dependency as well as historical legacies and policy diffusion between the health and LTC sectors. In both health and LTC sectors, the costs involved in collective service provision are not distributed evenly between generations. Centralized governance is a prevailing feature of health and LTC sectors in East Asia, allowing solidarity-based institutional arrangements to be established without an overall sense of solidarity. The relationship between solidarity and health and LTC systems is complex and dynamic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Asian Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this study is to test key social capital indicators in a disaster context by considering the bonding and bridging types of social capital. Using the East Asian Social Survey, this study chooses three behavioural/cognitive elements of social capital—social trust, voluntary association membership, and personal networks—and divides them into bonding and bridging social capital, in‐group and out‐group trust, homogeneous and heterogeneous membership, and strong and weak ties to test their effects on self‐evaluated community resilience to natural hazards. The results showed that social trust and personal networks had strong positive effects, but the effect of voluntary association membership was positive in societies with high rates of membership (Japan and South Korea) and negative in a society with a low rate of membership (Taiwan). Furthermore, while bonding social capital generally showed a stronger effect than bridging social capital in East Asia, a society with more frequent and intense disasters (Japan) showed a strong effect of heterogenous membership on self‐evaluated community resilience. This study connects two aspects of social capital studies—the elements and the types of social capital—and the findings imply that the relationship between social capital and community resilience may have some mediator variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the effectiveness of policy creating science parks is evaluated with respect to small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). Science parks created to support innovation and regional growth often target productivity gains through agglomeration economies. However, spatial proximity of firms may also stimulate selection, less competitive firms being forced to exit, a cluster of high-productivity, surviving firms being observed at the regional level. Empirical studies also show that high- or low-productivity firms or both may spatially sort into a region. Using estimates of firm-level total factor productivity, the science park sorting and selection behavior of Taiwanese and South Korean SMEs is analyzed. The results indicate heterogeneity in location choice of SMEs arising from the economic environment of science parks. Overall, the empirical evidence suggests that science parks can generate real productivity improvements if the incentives are reinforced through national-level policies; otherwise, such incentives may end up protecting inefficient firms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To estimate proportions of married couples aged 30 to 59 years who face simultaneous demands from elderly parents and children in China, Japan, Korea, and Taiwan, and the effects on couples’ life and marital satisfaction. Method: Using data from the 2006 East Asian Social Survey, proportions of sandwiched couples were estimated using three definitions: co-residence, co-residence or nearby residence, and co-residence or frequent provision of financial/physical assistance. Logistic regression models were used to assess the effects on life and marital satisfaction. Results: Three-generational co-residence is more common in Taiwan and Japan (24.3% and 21.4%), whereas co-residence or provision for both generations is higher in Taiwan and Korea (53.7% and 44.5%). The strain of being sandwiched is associated with lower life and marital satisfaction only among women. Discussion: Intergenerational transfers of care play a major role in elderly support in East Asia but take a toll on the well-being of married women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Redistributive land reforms implemented in post-WWII Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan have often been considered a substantial stimulus for these countries' subsequent economic growth. Before the reforms, there were a small number of large landlords and many small tenant cultivators, but after the reforms, tenancy effectively disappeared. This article assesses the impact of reforms on structural change and income per capita, and shows that reforms were responsible for at least half of the actual reallocation of labor out of agriculture in each of these countries in the aftermath of the reforms. By contrast, their impact on income per capita was small. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim The aim of the study was to improve the measurement of ageing taking into account characteristics of populations and in particular changes in life expectancy. Method Using projected life tables, we calculated prospective old age dependency ratios ( POADRs) to 2060, placing the boundary to old age at a moving point with a fixed remaining life expectancy ( RLE) for all countries of East Asia. Results POADRs grow less rapidly than old age dependency ratios ( OADRs). For example, in the Republic of Korea, the OADR is forecast to increase from around 0.1 in 1980 to around 0.8 in 2060, while the POADR is forecast to increase from around 0.1 to 0.4 over the same period. Conclusion Policy makers may wish to take into account the fact that the increases in measures of ageing will be slower when those measures are adjusted for changes in life expectancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social Sciences in China is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective This study aims to synthesise evidence on time trends of dementia prevalence in East Asian countries including Japan, China, South Korea and Taiwan and assess the impact of the societal changes on future prevalence. Method Relevant reviews and recent nationwide studies in East Asia were identified to investigate changes in prevalence of dementia over time taking into account the potential impact of methodological factors and study designs. Results The robust evidence that has been interpreted to suggest a substantial increasing trend over time is less compelling once fundamental differences in study methods and populations across individual surveys are considered. In Japan, longitudinal studies in small areas suggest the potential increase of prevalence after 2000. Increasing trends in China, South Korea and Taiwan over the last 20-30 years are based on the literature review without adjustment for methodological differences. Economic development and huge societal changes alongside the rise of non-communicable disease in East Asia could lead to increasing prevalence of dementia in the future once those cohorts with high risk of dementia reached their older age. Conclusion Current evidence is not sufficient to suggest increasing trends of dementia prevalence in East Asia. Longitudinal studies with representative samples and stable methodology are needed to provide fundamental information of the epidemiology of dementia and identify important risk factors in East Asian societies. © 2015 The Authors. International Journal of Geriatric Psychiatry published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multiculturalism in the Northeastern Asian states of Japan, South Korea, China and Taiwan as well as the members of ASEAN are interesting case studies in how states manage migration policy and create migrant policy. Examining their migration practices, we can understand East Asian perspectives on multiculturalism employing traditional migration frameworks revolving around control and management of entry of migrants, state-building and ethnocentric rationale for/or against pro-migrant policies. This review article will delineate how different states in the region construct migrant policies in line with their state’s interests, which include domestic, regional and international interests by employing the below nine articles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflict between factions has been identified as an important factor explaining different procedures of candidate selection. However, the question of what drives factions in choosing certain procedures over others remains under-theorized. This article argues that, when ranking their preferences for candidate selection procedures, factions are influenced by their electoral strategy. While clientelistic factions will push for candidate selection procedures that subordinate themselves to the logic of clientelistic exchange networks, programmatic factions will try to maximize the effectiveness of formal regulations. To demonstrate this relationship, the article studies the recent development of political parties in Taiwan and South Korea, where programmatic factions have ‘outsourced’ the authority to nominate candidates to external actors, thereby moving it beyond the reach of internal patron–client networks. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article compares and explores forms of ‘public’ participation in the development of bioethical governance of human embryonic stem cell research (hESR) in four Asian societies, and in doing so it contributes to the wider discussions on expertise and public inclusion. The article aims to add nuance to the concept of ‘public consultation’ by focusing on the contested meanings and relationships through which public roles and public debates are defined. The analysis seeks to go beyond a straightforward comparison by interpreting public discussions of hESR as being influenced by both local conditions and interconnected global science institutions. An adequate understanding of the public participation in debates on science requires the analysis of (a) particular reasons for scientific issues to require public discussion; (b) pressures of transnational forces; (c) variability of publics relevant to bioethical regulation; and, (d) the effects of institutionalization of bioethics. This study uses data from fieldwork conducted between 2006 and 2010 in four Asian countries. Most of the interviews were conducted in the local languages and concerned various kinds of public participation in bioethics activities, as well as the views of stem cell scientists on the need to involve the public in discussions on the acceptability of their research. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This analysis of the institutional design and actual performance of constitutional review in five newly democratized nations in East Asia shows that during the last two decades the judiciary has come to play an increasingly important political role in South Korea, Taiwan and Indonesia. Constitutional courts in these three countries are more active in counterbalancing executive and legislative power than ever before. This however contrasts with the experiences of Thailand and Mongolia where constitutional courts were unable to fulfill a similar function. The discussion for potential explanations for this cross-national variance in court performance supports the critique in parts of the scholarly literature against purely institutional, cultural and structural explanations. Rather, the degree of political uncertainty and diffusion of political power are critical determinants for understanding why politicians comply with court judgments, or attempt to marginalize justices. In addition, the relationship between institutional support, compliance and the area of judicial review matters. In this regard, one lesson of the East Asian comparison is that a too early introduction of review of separation of power conflicts could actually make things worse, by threatening the court's authority and marginalizing its influence. This represents a danger often neglected in the democratization literature that claims judicial control of horizontal accountability mechanisms would necessarily help to consolidate democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay centers on the role of Christian organizations in the consolidation of democracy in the Philippines, South Korea, and Taiwan as a preliminary study in advance of longer-term exploration of how religious organizations of all persuasions have influenced or abdicated from the ongoing development of democracy once it has become the norm in East Asian nations. In light of the dearth of data concerning the roles of Asian religious institutions in the consolidation of democracy in East Asia, the authors limit the essay to the development of a conceptual framework, referencing the three cases above, to be used for future studies. The Philippines, where the Roman Catholic Church remains active in political causes relative to the other two cases, serves as the framework's control case, against which South Korea and Taiwan, the experimental cases, are compared. The essay asserts that East Asian religious institutions are a case of exceptionalism, based on two arguments. The first is that, when comparing East Asian religious institutions to counterparts elsewhere, they have been the last ones to enter the political arena and the first ones to retreat from it. The second argument is that East Asian religious organizations do not press their potential political weight in normal politics because (1) social, political, and economic conditions of the respective countries dissuade religious organizations' ongoing engagement in politics, or (2) they have a strong inclination to remain remote from politics—or perhaps because of both circumstances. The essay presents evidence of ‘episodic’ involvement of the Roman Catholic Church in politics in the Philippines, and of the ‘transient’ nature of the involvement of religious organizations in South Korea and Taiwan. Further, it reveals that, while the ‘transient’ nature of religious organizations' influence in normal politics is less apparent in Thailand, Malaysia, and Indonesia, it is in evidence in these areas of East Asia, also. The essay draws a striking comparison between religious institutions elsewhere and those in East Asia by considering the ability of religious organizations in the Middle East, Africa, the United States, Europe, and Latin America to remain engaged in the political sphere and to influence political attitudes and outcomes. It concludes that, in contrast, the political agendas of East Asian religious organizations have been more specifically defined and circumscribed, and their involvement in politics has been less intense and more transient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is about factory regimes and more particularly about changes in factory regimes in East Asia. Its point of departure is Burawoy's early and highly influential contribution to the understanding of factory regimes (Burawoy, 1985), which has very often been associated with the idea of 'hegemonic despotism' and increased attempts by management at ideological control. The article seeks to go beyond this particular interpretation. Theoretically, it seeks to make explicit and in one case expand elements in Burawoy's original works by distinguishing three aspects of labour regimes; labor control, material support and contract. It then considers three factories in China, Taiwan and South Korea in the light of this reformulation and, by paying due regard to issues related to material support and contract, and not only to control, it advances the claim that some of the most significant changes that are occurring amount in each case to the dismantling of established labour - that is, labour that is generally permanent and relatively privileged not only with respect to wages but usually also other forms of material support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]