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A well-established result in the literature is that Social Security tends to reduce steady state welfare in a standard life cycle model. However, less is known about the historical effects of the program on agents who were alive when the program was adopted. In a computational life cycle model that simulates the Great Depression and the enactment of Social Security, this paper quantifies the welfare effects of the program's enactment on the cohorts of agents who experienced it. In contrast to the standard steady state results, we find that the adoption of the original Social Security tended to improve these cohorts' welfare. In particular, we estimate that the original program benefited households alive at the time of the program's adoption with a likelihood of over 80 percent, and increased these agents' welfare by the equivalent of 5.9% of their expected future lifetime consumption. The welfare benefit was particularly large for poorer agents and agents who were near retirement age when the program was enacted. Through a series of counterfactual experiments we demonstrate that the difference between the steady state and transitional welfare effects is primarily driven by a slower adoption of payroll taxes and a quicker adoption of benefit payments during the program's phase-in. Overall, the opposite welfare effects experienced by agents in the steady state versus agents who experienced the program's adoption might offer one explanation for why a program that potentially reduces welfare in the steady state was originally adopted.

The essay examines Spain’s colonial legacy in the long-run development of Spanish America. It surveys the fiscal and constitutional outcomes of independence and assesses the relative burden imposed by colonialism. Constitutional asymmetries between revenue collecting and spending agents constrained de facto governments’ power to tax. Inherent disparities embedded in the colonial fiscal system worsened with vaguely defined representation for subjects and territories and vexed their aggregation into a modern representative polity. Governments with limited fiscal capacity failed to deliver public goods and to distribute the costs and benefits of independence equitably. Growing indirect taxes, debt and money creation allowed them to transfer the fiscal burden to other constituents or future generations. Taxpayers became aware of the asymmetry between private contributions and public goods and hence favoured a low but regressive taxation. Comparisons with trajectories in the metropolis and the United States are offered to qualify this legacy. El articulo examina el «legado» del colonialismo español en el desarrollo de Hispanoamérica en el largo plazo. Discute el resultado fiscal y constitucional de la Independencia y estima la carga de la extracción relativa impuesta por el fisco colonial. Asimetrías constitucionales en los agentes que recaudaban impuestos y ejecutaban el gasto limitó de facto la capacidad fiscal de los gobiernos. Disparidades inherentes al propio sistema fiscal colonial agravaron esta poca capacidad con una representación política de súbditos/ciudadanos y territorios ambigua que problematizó su agregación posteriormente en un sistema político independiente cabalmente representativo. Gobiernos con capacidad fiscal limitada fracasaron en la provisión de bienes públicos y en la distribución equitativa de los costos y los beneficios de la independencia. Impuestos indirectos crecientes, deuda y creación de dinero permitieron a los gobiernos transferir el peso fiscal a otros sujetos políticos que los propios o a futuras generaciones. Los contribuyentes entendieron estas asimetrías entre contribuciones privadas y bienes públicos de modo de que favorecieron una baja pero regresiva fiscalidad. La comparación con la trayectoria fiscal de la ex – metrópolis y los Estados Unidos permiten ofrecer una calificación de este legado colonial.

This paper uses a linguistic tree, describing the genealogical relationship between all 6912 world languages, to compute measures of diversity at different levels of linguistic aggregation. By doing so, we let the data inform us on which linguistic cleavages are most relevant for a range of political economy outcomes, rather than making ad hoc choices. We find that deep cleavages, originating thousands of years ago, lead to better predictors of civil conflict and redistribution. The opposite pattern emerges when it comes to the impact of linguistic diversity on growth and public goods provision, where finer distinctions between languages matter Desmet gratefully acknowledges financial support from the Comunidad de Madrid (PROCIUDAD-CM), and the Spanish Ministry of Science (ECO2008-01300). Ortuño-Ortín gratefully acknowledges financial support from the Spanish Ministry of Science (ECO2010-19596). Wacziarg gratefully acknowledges financial support from Stanford University's Presidential Fund for Innovation in International Studies and from UCLA's Center for International Business Education and Research Publicado