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Americans don't vote. For all their talk of democracy, US voters have some of the lowest turnout rates in the developed world. Other countries have taken on their turnout woes with a direct approach: compulsory voting. Nowhere in the United States—save one city in the 1890s—has yet followed. But recently, American democracy reformers have begun mainstreaming the idea. If they succeed, the policy has the potential to revolutionize democratic participation. It can only do so, however, if it passes—a tall task at a time when Americans disagree about democracy's meaning and increasingly question its value. To turn compulsory voting from dream to reality will take a new approach—one based not in abstract appeals to democratic principles but a practical pitch that more voting means more power for everyday people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Europe, the multiplication of elections makes the election calendar a decisive issue given the decreasing participatory trend. Turnout is expected to be higher in simultaneous elections, while it lessens if several elections are held over a short period. The saliency of the preceding ballot may also affect participation in the next one. In this article, we argue that these temporal effects are crucial for European Parliament elections due to their second-order nature. We analyse how the position, frequency and nature of domestic ballots affect European Parliament elections turnout since 1979. Our results indicate that the participation level is less affected by the timing of elections than by their overall frequency. The type of preceding election also matters, although not the second-order nature per se. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When studying the erosion of democratic institutions – such as elections – researchers often focus on elite co-optation or regime dynamics. Yet changes in political selection may also have long-term effects on the types of individuals seeking a political career, defining the dominant features of decision-makers down the road. I design a lab experiment to explore the effects of changes in political selection that accompanied authoritarian backsliding in Russia. Using a series of experiments, I show that creating an unfair playing field in elections and replacing elections with appointments for the local offices leads to self-selection of the risk-averse individuals into political careers. This happens because selection features like low costs of running (for regime candidates) and the absence of public evaluation for the appointees attract individuals who are more risk averse. This study demonstrates a causal mechanism connecting elements of authoritarian backsliding with citizen political ambition and contributes to our understanding of the long-term effects these changes may have on political participation, elite quality, and regime functioning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores politics and political participation from the voices and perspectives of migrant slum dwellers in Agbogbloshie, the most populous migrant slum in Accra. Using in-depth interviews, the paper found that residents' conception of politics is couched in a pejorative sense as they view politics as a "dirty and deceitful game." While most migrants see politics as contested elections in which political elites struggle for power, they participate in politics mainly by voting in periodic elections. The main driver of migrants' political participation is the need to vote for political parties and governments that protect them against forced eviction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Journal of Social Work is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It is often assumed that, in highly religious environments, religious messages that promote political participation will more effectively influence behavior than nonreligious messages with the same goal. To our knowledge, however, this assumption remains untested. We present results from a community‐collaborative study implemented prior to elections in Zambia, an overwhelmingly Christian country with a youth‐skewed population. We randomized young adults into different versions of a WhatsApp‐based civics course and compared outcomes after exposure to civic information only versus after civic information accompanied by either religious or nonreligious messages that promote self‐efficacy and grit. Because Zambia is a highly religious country, we expected the religious course to have the largest effect. Instead, the nonreligious efficacy‐boosting course did. The religious course performed no better than the information‐only condition. This study cautions against assuming the efficacy of religious messages, even in highly religious contexts, and identifies new questions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how politicians' conflict framing strategies in online campaign advertisements affect citizens' political participation in a multi-party context. We rely on a unique combination of innovative research methods to do so, including a four-wave panel survey, a content analysis of Facebook browser-tracking data and a mobile experience sampling survey with data donations. All data were collected during the 2021 Dutch general elections. We find that conflict framing can discourage citizens from engaging in low-effort forms of political participation, such as discussing politics, signing a petition and visiting political websites. The results show that conflict frames can demobilize citizens because they lower enthusiasm and are perceived as less informative. Our study provides insights into the potential unintended consequences of using conflict framing as a campaign strategy in a multi-party setting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars and policymakers widely view identity as a key driver of African citizens' political engagement. In doing so, however, they have emphasized ethnicity and largely sidelined other identities, including gender, local origin, shared residency, and partisanship. In this paper, we explore which identities drive political engagement and why they do so. We employ an original survey experiment that includes various identities and other incentives that may drive citizens' participation around Zambia's 2021 national elections. We find that partisanship most influences individuals' stated willingness to campaign for a candidate or meet with an MP, while ethnicity and social incentives play less significant roles. Finally, we explore the mechanisms underpinning these results and find that citizens anticipate sanctions if they fail to support a co-partisan but not a co-ethnic candidate. These findings have important implications for understanding political engagement and democratic development throughout the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How, and under what conditions, does electoral violence influence voter turnout? Existing research often presumes that electoral violence demobilizes voters, but we lack knowledge of the conditions under which violence depresses turnout. This study takes a subnational approach to probe the moderating effect of local incumbent strength on the association between electoral violence and turnout. Based on existing work, I argue that electoral violence can reduce voter turnout by heightening threat perceptions among voters and eroding public trust in the electoral system, thereby raising the expected costs of voting and undermining the belief that one's vote matters. Moreover, I propose that in elections contested across multiple local rather than a single national voting district, the negative effect of electoral violence on turnout should be greater in districts where the incumbent is stronger. This is because when the incumbent is stronger, voters have lesser strategic and purposive incentives to vote than voters in localities where the opposition is stronger. I test the argument by combining original subnational event data on electoral violence before Côte d'Ivoire's 2021 legislative elections with electoral records. The results support the main hypothesis and indicate that electoral violence was associated with significantly lower voter turnout in voting districts where the incumbent was stronger, but not where the opposition was stronger. The study contributes new knowledge on the conditions under which electoral violence depresses voter turnout, and suggests that voters in opposition strongholds can be more resilient to electoral violence than often assumed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political participation involves political awareness and faith in government, which is directly connected to the concepts of democracy and legitimacy. The relationship between political participation, democracy and legitimacy is very close. This research highlights the preparation of Cirebon City for the 2024 General Election with a focus on the participation of new voters. This research aims to explore the experiences and perspectives of new voters through interviews, documentation, and observation to understand their political participation in depth. In addition, this study also aims to record the efforts of the Cirebon City KPU in overcoming obstacles to the participation of new voters. This research uses a qualitative method with a phenomenological paradigm approach. Descriptive data, both written and oral, were collected directly from first-time voters through interviews, documentation, and observation. Descriptive research, as Whitney describes, plays an important role in building a systematic, accurate and factual narrative. The results of this study describe the phenomenon of political participation of novice voters in Cirebon City and reveal the relationship between various aspects that influence it. The research also notes the efforts of the Cirebon City KPU in overcoming obstacles to the participation of first-time voters, including the use of social media, especially TikTok, to effectively disseminate information and attract the attention of first-time voters. This research shows that the political participation of novice voters in Cirebon City has a close relationship with the concepts of democracy and legitimacy. The Cirebon City KPU's efforts in using social media as a means of communication have made a positive contribution in increasing the participation of novice voters ahead of the 2024 General Election. The narrative generated from this research not only describes the phenomenon of political participation, but also provides a deeper understanding of the various aspects that influence the participation of novice voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2023 election in Poland brought to an end the rule of the Law and Justice (PiS) party. With an extraordinary turnout of 74%, the highest in recent Polish history, 13.2 million voters cast their vote in support of parties other than PiS, with four liberal-democratic parties alone attracting over 11.6 million votes. This shift indicates a departure from the period of selective demobilisation of the liberal-democratic camp and selective overmobilisation of the right-wing camp inclined to protect the traditional-religious world in decline. The campaign deviated from 'normal politics', focusing instead on the principles of constitutional democracy, as the 8-year PiS rule marked the erosion of the rule of law. The election itself, while free, was unfair and unequal, attributed to the actions of the outgoing political camp. Paradoxically, however, the camp responsible for these violations failed to secure enough support to form a government. The new government now faces a complex array of challenges. It must restore the constitutional order, manage two electoral campaigns (local and European), and rebuild relationships with the EU as a pivotal objective. It also faces the necessity to foster Western support for Ukraine, which requires careful navigation of domestic and international challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many theories of political participation imply that close elections increase voter turnout, but empirical support for this is mixed. One challenge is that close elections occur in unrepresentative places, making it difficult to extend counterfactual inferences across the wider electorate. In this note, I study closeness in an alternative way by leveraging those who move home between elections. With a large‐scale longitudinal survey in Great Britain, comparing individuals who move between safe and competitive parliamentary constituencies, I provide evidence that closeness increases campaign contact but generally fails to affect turnout. British movers are politically comparable to the wider electorate, so the results can be cautiously generalised. This contributes to substantive literature on voter and party‐led theories of participation, while adopting an empirical strategy seldom used in the study of political behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study expands previous research on political endorsements by focusing on the tone of the endorsement, rather than the endorser or the presence/absence of any endorsement at all. Using a 2×2 experimental design and a sample of 906 registered voters from a midwestern U.S. state, this study measures the effect of positive and negative endorsements on the voter perceptions of the endorsee, endorser, and unendorsed candidate during a partisan primary election campaign. Results support the idea that positive endorsements generally improve voters' attitudes toward the endorsee and the endorser and negative endorsements generally hurt voters' perception of the unendorsed candidate. Further interaction analyses show that factors such as a voter's existing enthusiasm for politics, government, and politicians can moderate the effect of endorsements. The findings are in line with the proposition of the Social Judgment Theory and support the existing literature on the effect of endorsements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationships between electoral trust, operational ideology, and nonvoting political participation (NVP) during the 2020 US presidential election cycle. We hypothesize that: (1) more liberal operational ideology is associated with more NVP, (2) less electoral trust is associated with more NVP, and (3) operational ideology moderates the negative relationship between electoral trust and NVP. Using data from the 2020 American National Election Study (N = 8,280), our contribution is threefold: We first add to previous research that indicated liberals engage in more NVP than conservatives. We then provide some of the first evidence to suggest that electoral trust—in this case, trust prior to the 2020 election—is negatively associated with NVP. Results further indicate that the negative relationship between electoral trust and NVP is strongest among those with conservative operational ideology, such that the more trust those with conservative operational ideology have in the election, the less they engage in NVP. Given that electoral trust is crucial for a well-functioning democracy, the implication is that elites with a strategic incentive to express contempt for the election process can have direct and downstream consequences on political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives Political participation differs across the age range, but little is known about these patterns outside of developed countries. Political context is a particularly important consideration for all political behavior in Africa, where only a few countries are fully democratic. Drawing from political opportunity structures theory, we investigate how political freedom conditions the age-based pattern of electoral and nonelectoral political engagement, as well as protesting. Methods This study merges the fifth, sixth, and seventh rounds of the Afrobarometer data sets, spanning 36 African countries, with country-level data on political freedom from Freedom House. Using multilevel regression models, we examine how political freedom shapes the relationship between age and 3 forms of political participation. Results Africans aged from 18 to 60 years and living in nonfree countries are most engaged in electoral and nonelectoral political activities, though participation begins to drop markedly past age 60. For protest participation, young Africans living in partially and non-free countries are the most engaged in protests; yet limited political freedom again means a sharp age-based decline. Discussion The impact of political context on the age–participation association is nuanced in ways not anticipated by mainstream research on the developed West. Repressive regimes, while spurring engagement at younger ages, appear to disproportionately deter older Africans from political engagement, especially its riskiest forms. We conclude by calling for more country-comparative gerontological research with careful attention to contextual heterogeneity, particularly in the understudied Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is situated within the ongoing scholarly discourse surrounding the role of social media in the evolving communication landscape. The main aim of this research is to examine the extent to which the Greek traditional media and journalists have adapted to the ethos of social media. In particular, this study conducts a comparative analysis to assess whether the Greek media and journalists have effectively embraced the communication challenges arising from advancements in social media, particularly during election cycles. The theoretical foundation rests on the network theory of power, a concept pioneered by the Spanish sociologist Manuel Castells. The empirical component presents the findings obtained through an examination of journalists' participation in political discourse on Twitter (now named X) throughout seven distinct election periods encompassing all electoral levels in Greece (presidential, national, European and regional/municipal elections, plus a referendum). The findings reveal low levels of adaptation, in contrast with western countries, where journalists and the media have embraced the online culture to a greater extent and appear to take on more prominent roles in debates. The findings provide valuable insights for journalists, politicians and the media in understanding the role of social media in political communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Identity politics violations are a frequent phenomenon in elections in Indonesia, where ethnic, religious, ethnic, gender, or other social group identities are manipulated or exploited for political gain. The purpose of this study is to identify, analyze, and understand more deeply about identity politics violations in elections, as well as their implications for democracy and Indonesian society as a whole. The analysis will be based on the theory of identity politics, multiculturalism, and political participation. The results of the analysis show that political elites and candidates for regional heads tend to use or maintain identity politics for political interests and strengthen power hegemony. As a result, the use of religious issues as political tools in the 2019 Presidential Election is a source of tension and a potential threat to the country's social and political stability. With a deeper understanding of this phenomenon, this research is expected to provide valuable insights for political stakeholders, electoral institutions, and society at large to develop prevention and countermeasures against identity politics violation and strengthen the foundation of an inclusive and equitable democracy in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, voter turnout among young Portuguese citizens in the European Parliament election was the lowest across the European Union. This article aims to identify youth mobilization strategies for the 2024 European elections. To this end, this article provides a descriptive typology that distinguishes between short- and medium/long-term mobilization strategies. This typology was tested in three focus groups, totalizing twenty-one young Portuguese citizens. The results indicate a convergence in support for some mobilization strategies and a divergence regarding others. The article concludes with some recommendations aimed at promoting the participation of young Portuguese citizens in the upcoming European elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Derecho Politico is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective/context: This article analyzes the presidential primary elections in Chile from 2013 to 2021. As established by law, unlike in other Latin American countries, these elections are voluntary, simultaneous, and binding. Methodology: Presidential primary elections are studied in three dimensions: first, the institutions that regulate them; second, the electoral participation; and third, the results. For the analysis of the institutions, Law 20640 is explained. For electoral participation and the results of the primary elections, the statistical method is used, including a descriptive and inferential data analysis; the latter, mainly with multiple linear regression models and graphs of predicted values. Conclusions: Electoral participation in primaries significantly predicts participation in the general election and is strongly determined by the levels of poverty and rurality of the communes. Regarding the results, the Chilean experience shows that ideologically extreme candidates do not always triumph and that in some occasions--such as the 2021 elections--the relationship between the outcome of the primary elections and the candidates' electoral performance in the first round is far from robust. Originality: This work studies three electoral cycles of presidential primaries in Chile and combines an analysis of the institutions that regulate the process with the application of statistical models to explain turnout and electoral results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: This article presents a comparative analysis of the system of simultaneous and open presidential primaries (PAS, for its acronym in Spanish) in Latin American countries that have adopted legislation on the subject. In what appears to be a growing trend, nine countries--with differences among them--have established a PAS regime regulated by the electoral body and with public financing. Methodology: First, a description is presented to characterize and classify different PAS systems, considering their main normative differences. Then, hypotheses about their possible effects are proposed based on the literature on presidential primaries and electoral systems. Finally, taking into account the results of the primaries carried out and the subsequent presidential elections, an attempt is made to show to what extent the PAS system encourages citizen participation and competition for nomination, whether it favors or harms the parties that carry them out, and its capacity to stabilize the party system. Conclusions: Factors that stimulate participation, such as compulsory voting and simultaneity with other elections, and encourage competition, such as open presidential ticket, are identified. No institutional factors are found to directly benefit or harm the groups that decide the candidacy in a primary, although conflicting primaries seem to harm them. The ability of the PAS system to stabilize party systems seems to depend on its interaction with other institutional and political factors. Originality: This is the first work that ventures into a comparative analysis of the PAS system with regional coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While violence is a common occurrence in African elections, most attention has been focused only on a handful of cases with extreme levels of fatal election violence. Not only are these cases unrepresentative of the African continent as a whole, but focusing narrowly on these cases is also misleading when trying to understand the broader role that electoral violence plays in contemporary African democracies. Far more pervasive is the non-fatal type of low-scale election violence, which has become a common form of electoral manipulation in African elections. While low-scale violence does not threaten national security, it is an effective form of manipulation with less severe consequences for perpetrating parties. The insidious effects of low-scale violence on political participation and the quality of elections are demonstrated in Zambia, where fear of violence has come to seriously erode the quality of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on political behavior and policy preferences has long argued that economic or labor market risk should motivate support for social policy, especially social insurance. We test this expectation about political behavior using a survey experiment in the nationally representative 2020 US Cooperative Congressional Election Study, through which we manipulate perceptions of labor market risk. Although our results suggest that our treatment successfully induced greater perceived labor market insecurity among respondents, we find no support for the expectation that risk of job loss translates into preferences for unemployment insurance policy design. We further find that Republicans react to the suggestion of macroeconomic change (either positive or negative) with a preference for rolling back unemployment insurance benefits, while Democrats' policy preferences are not significantly changed by the treatment. This result raises interesting questions for future analysis and research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research studied the factors that tend to influence the engagement of the Pir and shrines during and after the election process. Most Muslims in Toba Tek Singh identify as Pirs and Shrines have had a considerable effect on the region's religious landscape; neither their patronage nor their patrons' loyalty to them has served as a reliable foundation for overt political activity in the area. Shrines and Pirs were closely related to politics in the 21st century. The Shrines and Pirs gave rise to a humanist approach to politics observed in Toba Tek Singh, and through such traditions, local authorities get benefitted politically and economically. The qualitative research methodology is opted in this research by collecting empirical data to produce more relevant findings on a thorough study of electors. This research found out that most individuals strongly believe in the advantages of shrines with their Pirs and routinely visit them to fulfil their sociological, economic, psychological, and spiritual needs. This study insights that, the shrine phenomenon should be further studied at both the macro and micro levels to understand what political dynamics are fostering or enhancing the circumstance of shrine politics to make it less prevalent as it is crucial in affecting voter behavior in elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Middle East Journal of Legal & Jurisprudence Studies / Mağallaẗ al-Šarq al-Awsaṭ li-l-ʿulūm al-Qānūniyyaẗ wa-al-Fiqhiyyaẗ is the property of Manar Elsharq for Studies & Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This thematic issue covers the participation and representation of migrants in contemporary politics. It focuses on two interconnected analytical dimensions: countries of residence and countries of origin, as arenas of political engagement and the supply and demand sides of political representation. The articles in the thematic issue advance the existing knowledge in migration studies and party politics both theoretically and empirically. They do so by proposing innovative analytical frameworks to assess the extent of participation and representation and by bringing evidence that fosters a better understanding of the intricate relationship between migration and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transnational political participation of migrants has been extensively analyzed in the literature. Previous explanations focus on individual determinants ranging from political interest or efficacy to social ties or socio-demographic characteristics. So far, little attention has been paid to the contrast between factors related to their lives in two different countries. The present article adds to this burgeoning literature by identifying and comparing the effects of several attitudes and behaviors of migrants in the host and home country on their voter turnout in home country elections. We use individual-level data from a survey conducted in 2022 on 1,058 Romanian migrants living around the world. The results indicate that migrants who remain anchored in the politics of their home country--without necessarily striving to return--and those who are engaged in their host communities are more likely to vote. Migrant voter turnout is not determined by poor integration in the host society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work demonstrates how a simulation of political discourse can be formulated using variables of the agents' behaviors in a simulation, as thermodynamic variables. With these relations the methodology provides an approach to create a correspondence between the variables of an agent based social system and those of a thermodynamic system. Extended from this observation, diagrams akin to a P-V diagram for gases can be created for this social system. The basic thermodynamic variables of temperature, pressure and volume are defined from a system of agents with political and non-political actions engaged in simulated political discourse. An equation of state is defined for the simulated political phenomenon. Through this equation of state the full thermodynamic map of the system is presented under a P-V diagram with isothermal and isentropic lines, which is able to represent the political situation of the system at each point of time. The classic election cycle that takes place can be represented on this thermodynamic map (corresponding to an Otto cycle). This provides a possibility for researching macroscopic social cycles as a thermodynamic/informational cycle as the traces on the thermodynamic map show similarities to an Otto cycle. Such a formulation reinforces the endeavours of social physics to view social phenomena with physical principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As shown by Bélanger and Nadeau (2009), Québec's traditional identity-based axis appears less and less predominant on the political scene. This situation created a need for a different strategy in the various sovereigntist parties. In this context, how has the Bloc Québécois tried to reposition itself? To explore this question, we collected over 7,500 press releases issued by the party between 2002 and 2021. Using automated content analysis methods and a Latent Semantic Scaling approach developed by Watanabe (2020), we illustrate and discuss the prevalence of the sovereigntist issue throughout this period, as well as the party's tone on this issue. The results indicate that elections and election results play a crucial role in the Bloc Québécois' communications on the topic of sovereignty. More generally, we observe significant fluctuations in the attention paid to this issue, and significant variations in the framing of this issue around elections. This research note sheds new methodological light on the theories surrounding the political realignment underway in Quebec and the salience of the sovereignty divide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grassroots elections of rural village heads and urban community directors are an important public arena for social-political participation of Chinese citizens. Analyzing the Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS2017) data through the models of GSEM (general equation structure modeling) and fulfilling the robustness check via IV (instrumental variable) method (including IV-Probit and 2SLS-IV models), this article examines the direct and indirect effects of personal networks on voting participation after 2012 under the leadership of Xi. We find that people with greater amounts of network resources and higher frequencies of social eating with network members have a higher likelihood to participate in elections. As to mediating effects, the two measures of personal networks pave the way for people to participate in formal networks of associational engagement, which in turn increase their participation in elections; however, people with higher values in the two personal network measures tend to have lower levels of institutional trust, which in turn hinders voting participation. In comparison, the positive effects are more powerful than the negative ones, so on the whole, personal networks are acting as an important conducive force for grassroots election participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on women voters using an intersectional lens has shown feminists and women of color within the Democratic Party to be a powerful force in electoral politics—specifically, Black and Latina women—are the most reliable voters. Combined, they represent the majority of women voters in the Democratic Party, and they have shown themselves to be a sizeable voting bloc in the last two American presidential election cycles. Using data from the 2016 American National Election Studies (ANES), we demonstrate important differences in support for the Democratic candidate (Hillary Clinton) between feminists and women of color—Black and Latina—underscoring the need to study gender, race, and ethnicity simultaneously (versus independently) when they are co-constitutive identity categories. By examining women and the groups the Clinton campaign appealed most to—feminists, Black, and Latina women—we add to the scholarship in political science that followed this unique election and demonstrate the importance of feminist identity for vote choice and various modes of political behavior for women voters. Knowing and understanding how women respond through affect and how this affect can result in political behaviors will help determine what it takes for future historic first candidates to emerge successful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 21st century, populist leaders have created and shaped narratives of threatened nations to foster a sense of shared victimhood and increase electoral appeal. However, an intriguing question has emerged: What roles do these outlined populist discourses of a threatened nation and shared victimhood play in the identity work of populist supporters? This study employs a narrative–discursive approach to analyse 25 in‐depth interviews with radical right populist Finns Party supporters. We investigate how the supporters construct and utilize populist discourses and narratives of lived experiences to legitimize their political support for the Finns Party. Furthermore, we illustrate how the related subject positions enable populist supporters to reproduce and enhance the populist discourse of 'people's' victimhood through the actions of 'others'. This study contributes to the field by demonstrating how populist discourses and narratives of lived experiences can be mobilized into political support for the Finns Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at Alexander Guerrero's epistemic case for 'lottocracy', or government by randomly selected citizen assemblies. It argues that Guerrero fails to show that citizen expertise is more likely to be elicited and brought to bear on democratic politics if we replace elections with random selection. However, randomly selected citizen assemblies can be valuable deliberative and participative additions to elected and appointed institutions even when citizens are not bearers of special knowledge or virtue individually or collectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aimed to analyze the social determinants affecting the political roles of persons with disabilities in Jordan, and to determine the impact of social determinants on the political roles and reasons for the political participation of persons with disabilities. The study relied on the following approaches to answer its questions, the analytical statistical approach, and the descriptive/analytical approach. The study concluded that the most common form of political participation for people with special needs is voting in elections, then the active membership in charitable societies, and then the active membership in civil society institutions, and the presence of a negative impact of social determinants on the political roles of persons with disabilities in Jordan. Based on the results of the study, it recommends the need to pay more positive attention to people with disabilities in Jordan. Despite the existence of legislation that guarantees participation for people with disabilities, the actual reality indicates the opposite. Which requires raising awareness among Jordanian society of the importance of political participation, integrating people with disabilities into society, raising their awareness of the importance of political participation for them, and exercising political roles as their acquired rights guaranteed by the Jordanian constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, Black women have been touted as the saving grace of the Democratic Party. Using data from the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey, a cooperative, user-driven data set that provides a large and diverse sample of racial and ethnic groups in the United States, we develop a deeper understanding of the role of partisanship and civic duty in Black women's support for Hillary Clinton and their political participation. We take an intersectional approach and examine Black women's politics alongside that of their white female and Black male counterparts. We find that Black women are motivated by civic duty to participate in elections, whereas civic duty does not motivate Black men and white women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its introduction in the early 2000s, legislation relating to the voting rights of Italians abroad has enabled millions of residents of voting age outside of Italy to engage in homeland elections and elect their own MPs. The inclusion of Italian citizens abroad in the Italian polity has nevertheless translated into a patchy electoral engagement. This article does not intend to provide an analysis of the voting choices in Italy's overseas constituency. Instead, it delves into external vote dynamics to provide insights into overseas Italians' abstention in parliamentary elections and referenda. After summarising the history of the introduction of Italy's peculiar model of external voting, drawing on the results of an online survey of Italians abroad, the article examines the factors influencing turnout, with specific attention to the eligible voters' personal characteristics. It also focuses on the attitude of Italians abroad towards possible reforms aiming at increasing electoral participation. It concludes that country of birth and Italian language skills are among the most relevant variables not only to assess what fosters or inhibits external voting, but also to gauge the opinion of voters residing outside Italy about proposals to reform the procedures regulating the exercise of suffrage from abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses data from 28 poll books to explore voter behaviour over time in early 18th‐century English parliamentary elections (from 1710 to 1735). Voters in this period exhibited a high degree of partisan loyalty from one election to the next. But voters were also quite likely to drop out of the electorate between elections. As a case study of Sussex elections in 1734 shows, even among voters who made a definite promise to vote for a given candidate or set of candidates, there was a significant proportion who did not vote. While some non‐voting can be explained as an attempt to avoid disobliging powerful patrons, this article argues that voters needed to be motivated to appear at the polls. The electoral culture of the early 18th century – treats, balls, public appearances by the candidates, etc. – should be understood as attempts to mobilise rather than to persuade potential voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While invalid voting is often treated as protest behavior in an electoral context, its association with actual political protests has not yet been empirically demonstrated. The relative scarcity of research on the topic is likely due to the hybrid nature of invalid voting as a both formal and informal political gesture. The novel availability of event-based data for public protests in Latin America allows for testing whether their occurrence is connected with changes in spoiled and blank ballots. Using an appropriate dynamic regression model covering variations in the 148 intervals between Latin American legislative elections in the 1979–2021 period, this study finds a strong connection between the emergence of antigovernment protests and surges in invalid voting (and vice versa). This relationship still holds at parity of economic conditions and it is reinforced by a lack of alternation in the party of power. Conversely, the appearance of workers' strikes appears to work as a substitute for this behavior, which is also chosen by voters when democracy deteriorates, while corruption has no independent impact on invalid voting. Overall this work's findings promise to send the research agenda on invalid voting in a new direction, previously unexplored because of an absence of fitting data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jurnal Ilmiah Islam Futura is the property of Jurnal Ilmiah Islam Futura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)