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Poverty is among the most challenging social problems in the United States today, and beliefs about the government's role in reducing inequality and raising living standards for the poor are critical to alleviating poverty and its consequences. Du Bois recognized the complex challenges associated with poverty and was ahead of his time in pointing to ethnicity and religion as fundamental to creating change and alleviating poverty. Du Bois' ideas continue to be relevant today, including for understanding ethnic differences among Catholics in attitudes toward poverty, which are likely changing given the growth of the Latino population. In the spirit of Du Bois' seminal research, I compare Latino and non‐Latino Catholic attitudes toward poverty and inequality using the 2021 General Social Survey. Findings document critical differences among Catholics in beliefs about poverty and inequality and highlight the interdependent role of religion, ethnicity, and demographics (e.g., age, gender, socioeconomic status [SES]) in shaping attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Economic inequality in the United States is extreme, but little is known about the national origin of affluent households. Households in the top one percent by total wealth own vastly disproportionate quantities of household assets and have correspondingly high levels of economic, social, and political influence. The overrepresentation of white natives (i.e., those born in the U.S.) among high-wealth households is well-documented, but changing migration dynamics suggest that a growing portion of top households may be immigrants. Methods: Because no single survey dataset contains top wealth holders and data about country of origin, this paper uses two publicly-available data sets: the Survey of Consumer Finances (SCF) and the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP). Multiple imputation is used to impute country of birth from the SIPP into the SCF. Descriptive statistics are used to demonstrate reliability of the method, to estimate the prevalence of immigrants among top wealth holders, and to document patterns of asset ownership among affluent immigrants. Results: Significant numbers of top wealth holders who are usually classified as white natives may be immigrants. Many top wealth holders appear to be European and Canadian immigrants, and increasing numbers of top wealth holders are likely from Asia and Latin America as well. Results suggest that of those in the top one percent of wealth holders, approximately 3% are European and Canadian immigrants, .5% are from Mexico or Cuban, and 1.7% are from Asia (especially Hong Kong, Taiwan, Mainland China, and India). Ownership of key assets varies considerably across affluent immigrant groups. Conclusion: Although the percentage of top wealth holders who are immigrants is relatively small, these percentages represent large numbers of households with considerable resources and corresponding social and political influence. Evidence that the propensity to allocate wealth to real and financial assets varies across immigrant groups suggests that wealth ownership is more global than previous research suggests and that immigrant groups are likely to become more prevalent in top wealth positions in the U.S. As the representation of immigrants in top wealth positions grows, their economic, social, and political influence is likely to increase as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wealth inequality is among tile most extreme forms of stratification in the United States, and upward wealth mobility is not common. Yet mobility is possible, and this paper takes advantage of trends among a unique group to explore the processes that generate mobility. I show that non-Hispanic whites raised in Roman Catholic families have been upwardly mobile in the wealth distribution in recent decades, and I find that unique fertility, marriage and education patterns contributed to this change. I also show that Catholic values related to work and money contributed to relatively high saving and portfolio behavior that facilitated mobility. The results provide important insight into the process by which childhood experiences shape adult well-being, particularly adult wealth ownership. The findings also contribute to understanding of social inequality by identifying important behaviors and processes that facilitate mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers have documented extreme inequalities in wealth ownership, but the processes that create these inequalities are not well understood. One important contributing factor that attracts little attention is religion. This study explores the relationship between religious participation, religious affiliation, and patterns of wealth accumulation. I argue that religion affects wealth ownership indirectly by shaping demographic behaviors. I also argue that religion directly influences wealth accumulation by identifying valuable goals, by providing a set of competencies that direct strategies of action, and by contributing to social contacts that provide information and opportunities that can enhance wealth ownership. The findings suggest that Jews enjoy tremendous gains in wealth ownership, while conservative Protestants accumulate relatively little wealth. In contrast, mainline Protestants and Catholics are indistinguishable from each other and from the general population. The results demonstrate the importance of family processes in shaping wealth accumulation, and they underscore the importance of culture in shaping economic behavior and ultimately in creating social inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inequality in wealth has been well-documented, but its causes remain uncertain. Family processes in childhood are likely to shape adults' wealth accumulation, but these factors have attracted little attention. I argue that family size matters: children from larger families accumulate less wealth than do those from smaller families. Siblings dilute parents' finite financial resources and nonmaterial resources, such as time. This diminishment of resources reduces educational attainment, inter vivos transfers, and inheritance. Reduced educational attainment and transfers alter financial behavior; saving; and, ultimately, adults' wealth. I demonstrate that sibship size is associated with lower overall wealth in adulthood and that parents' resources and education, respondent's education, financial transfers, and financial behavior all mitigate the effect of siblings. Sibship size also reduces the likelihood of receiving a trust account or an inheritance and decreases home- and stock ownership. The findings provide important insights into early family processes that shape wealth accumulation and inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of financial markets, money, and banking is largely considered the purview of economics. Yet sociologists have contributed greatly to understanding financial relations since the early history of the discipline. This review begins with an overview of classical sociological approaches to financial markets, money, and banking and then describes how research in these areas exploded in recent decades. I describe the current state of research on money, relations among firms and banks, and interlocking directorates. I consider the ways financial relations shape firm behaviors and processes, and I describe the growing body of work that treats financial markets as outcomes. I discuss research on the transformation of financial systems during transition from state socialism, and I conclude with a discussion of a growing literature that combines studies of financial markets and social stratification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the impact of racial differences and asset ownership on wealth distribution in the United States. Racial inequality in socioeconomic well-being has been documented extensively in the social sciences. Research has demonstrated that Blacks, in particular, have not kept pace with whites on indicators such as earnings, labor force participation, labor force outcomes, and quality of living conditions. In 1983, the correlation between total household income and household net worth was 0.49; and when asset income was removed from total income, the correlation dropped to 0.26. This suggests that many of the truly wealthy have rather low earnings, probably because they are able to support current consumption with income derived from assets. A micro-simulation model has been used to explore the relationship between racial differences in asset ownership and wealth inequality. Wealth inequality is still an unresolved issue in America. Levels of wealth inequality are so extreme that most people hardly register any wealth at all, yet wealth is one of the most central indicators of financial well-being and security. Racial differences in wealth ownership are particularly acute and have been relatively persistent in recent decades.