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Historical genetic links among similar populations can be difficult to establish. Identity by descent (IBD) analyses find genomic blocks that represent direct genealogical relationships among individuals. However, this method has rarely been applied to ancient genomes because IBD stretches are progressively fragmented by recombination and thus not recognizable after few tens of generations. To explore such genealogical relationships, we estimated long IBD blocks among modern Europeans, generating networks to uncover the genetic structures. We found that Basques, Sardinians, Icelanders and Orcadians form, each of them, highly intraconnected sub-clusters in a European network, indicating dense genealogical links within small, isolated populations. We also exposed individual genealogical links -such as the connection between one Basque and one Icelandic individual- that cannot be uncovered with other, widely used population genetics methods such as PCA or ADMIXTURE. Moreover, using ancient DNA technology we sequenced a Late Medieval individual (Barcelona, Spain) to high genomic coverage and identified IBD blocks shared between her and modern Europeans. The Medieval IBD blocks are statistically overrepresented only in modern Spaniards, which is the geographically closest population. This approach can be used to produce a fine-scale reflection of shared ancestry across different populations of the world, offering a direct genetic link from the past to the present.

This paper takes issue with the notion behind some genetic sampling of populations that there are autochthonous groups (designated tribal) in India, and that to give a group, its 'anthropological name' [sic] is valid. The archaeological and textual evidence of the earliest known Indo-Europeans and Indo-Iranians is given in bare outline. Possible trails of the Indo-Aryans of Iron-age South Asia are detected in archaeological records, immigration through mountains in the northwest with horses and two-humped camels, and also incursions of small groups of horse-riders, from Vidarbha all the way south to the Tamil country.

Despite the unique geographic, ethnic, social and cultural features of Kohistan in Pakistan, the origin and descent of Kohistanis remain still obscure. In an effort to address questions concerning the genetic structure, origin and genetic affinities of Kohistanis, we herein applied an ethnogenetic approach consisting on mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) analysis and dental morphology analysis. We sequenced HVS1 of mtDNA, observed 14 haplotypes and assigned a total of 9 haplogroups belonging to macrolineages M (17%) and N (83%). Genetic diversity estimates in Kohistanis (Hd = 0.910 ± 0.014; Pi = 0.019 ± 0.001; θw = 0.019 ± 0.006) were similar to that of previous studies in other Pakistani populations. Overall, the analyses of dental morphology and mtDNA profile of Kohistanis resulted in similar findings. All the analyses indicate that Kohistanis share affinities to populations from Europe, Near East, Central Asia and South Asia. The Kohistani HVS1 haplotype 2 shares 100% identity to HVS1 haplotypes across the Europe. These results in light of recent insights into ancient genomics lead us to conclude that ancestry from Eurasian Steppe genetically linked Kohistanis to all these populations in the Bronze Age. This is consistent with linguistic evidence and also with the Indo-Aryan migration model for the peopling of South Asia., (Copyright © 2019 Elsevier B.V. and Mitochondria Research Society. All rights reserved.)

This paper addresses the theme of the seminar from the perspective of historical linguistics. It introduces the construct of 'language family' and then proceeds to a discussion of contact and the dynamics of linguistic exchange among the main language families of India over several millennia. Some prevalent hypotheses to explain the creation of India as a linguistic area are presented. The 'substratum view' is critically assessed. Evidence from historical linguistics in support of two dominant hypotheses - 'the Aryan migration view''and 'the out-of-India hypothesis' - is presented and briefly assessed. In conclusion, it is observed that the current understanding in historical linguistics favours the Aryan migration view though the 'substratum view' is questionable.

When and where was the Rigveda (Rv) composed? How are the Vedic people related to the vast Harappan archaeological tradition? These quintessential questions have no direct answers. At our current level of understanding, archaeology and sacred texts constitute two distinct streams which do not intersect. We must therefore collate evidence from different sources and try to produce a synthesis. It is particularly important to take note of archaeological evidence from Central Asia, because it has not received the attention it deserves. What is well known in science must be kept in mind in the case of history also. A theory to be valid must explain each and every fact (known at present or to be known in future) in a selfconsistent manner. Conversely, even if there is one piece of evidence that a theory is unable to explain, it should be put on hold, modified or even rejected.

Data from archaeology, linguistics, population genetics, and from early Vedic texts, which deal with religion, mythology and rituals, have to be assembled and closely compared in order to gain a comprehensive picture of the early 'Aryans'. Such interdisciplinary dialogue is necessary in order to establish areas of overlap of data. This paper attempts to indicate a western Central Asian origin of the Indo-Aryan speakers, in the steppe belt near the Urals, from where they moved, via the Inner Asian Mountain belt and Bactria, into India. Their gradual migration entailed acculturation with previous populations, their languages and cultures.

Scientists and social scientists often read the same text differently. They also construct categories having the same nomenclature independently. Many of us also work in isolated domains, rarely reading texts researched and documented by others. We conduct our research within the defined format of our disciplines. We engage with others only when contestations emerge and challenge some of the rooted paradigms of each other's disciplines. This paper reflects the reactions of a social scientist to texts on population genetics and attempts to arrive at the genetic theory of the origin of ethnological history of human populations in India. Inadvertently, most of these intensely researched and passionately documented DNA evidence present a serious challenge to the discourse of cultural pluralism and social diversity that the humanist perspective of science and social science takes pride in documenting. This paper is based on secondary resource materials and the methodology adopted is that of narrative research.

The history of the racial classification of the people of India can be looked at in three temporal phases: (1) at the national level, the initial studies of racial classification attempted along with the Census of India; (2) at the regional level, studies by anthropologists and statisticians following systematic sampling and statistical procedures were conducted after the initial national-level studies and (3) population-specific studies in different regions across the country including micro-evolutionary studies of individual populations followed the regional studies. Initially the racial classification was part of the Census survey conducted by British anthropologists in some parts of the country among castes and tribes and was based on a few physical traits. This was followed by a systematic anthropometric survey in particulars regions (e.g., UP, Bengal, etc.) by anthropologists and statisticians. This was followed by population specific micro-evolutionary studies across different regions by numerous anthropologists investigating the role of selection, drift, migration and admixture and other population structure variables among endogamous castes and tribes.

The Indo-European debate has been going on for a century and a half. Initially confined to linguistics, race-based anthropology and comparative mythology, it soon extended to archaeology, especially with the discovery of the Harappan civilization, and peripheral disciplines such as agriculture, archaeometallurgy or archaeoastronomy. The latest entrant in the field, archaeogenetics, is currently all but claiming that it has finally laid to rest the whole issue of a hypothetical migration of Indo-Aryan speakers to the Indian subcontinent in the second millennium BCE. This paper questions the finality of this claim by pointing to inherent limitations, methodological issues and occasional biases in current studies as well as in the interpretation of archaeological evidence.

Anthropometric literature on the American territories of the Hispanic monarchy before their independence is still scarce. We attempt to expand the field with a case study that includes some important novelties. Albeit our main source, the military records of the Censo de Revillagigedo (conducted in the early 1790s), has already been used, the sample size and the geographical scope are unprecedented: 19,390 males of four ethnicities (castizos, españoles, mestizos, and mulatos) aged from 16 to 39 from 24 localities, including towns and villages scattered across central regions of the Viceroyalty of New Spain. We build a database that, complemented with information on resource endowments obtained from other sources, permits to analyze the determinants of height. Our results show the importance of spatial differences as well as the significance of ethnicity, occupation, rurality, age and resource endowments as determinants of height. Unprivileged mulatos are only 0.5cm shorter than, assumedly privileged, españoles in the "first world" (El Bajío) and 1.3cm taller in the "second world" (Eastern Central Highlands). In turn, living in the "first world" implies being between nearly 1.5cm and 5cm taller than the inhabitants of the "second world". Our estimates of physical statures are placed within an international comparative context and offer a relatively "optimistic" picture., (Copyright © 2016 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

The influential roles of culture and ethnic identity are frequently cited in developing disordered eating and body dissatisfaction, constituting both protective and risk factors. For African American women, strongly identifying with African American cultural beauty ideals may protect against disordered eating to lose weight, but may actually increase risk in development of disordered eating directed at weight gain, such as binge eating. This study compares African American and Caucasian women on disordered eating measures, positing that African American women show greater risk for binge eating due to the impact of ethnic identity on body dissatisfaction. Findings indicate low levels of ethnic identity represent a risk factor for African American women, increasing the likelihood of showing greater binge eating and bulimic pathology. In Caucasian women, high levels of ethnic identity constitute a risk factor, leading to higher levels of both binge eating and global eating pathology. Implications for prevention and treatment are discussed.

This symposium takes as its point of departure two books by Massimo Livi Bacci, Conquest and El Dorado in the Marshes, published in English in 2008 and 2010. Livi Bacci assesses widely varying estimates of the demographic dimensions of the collapse of the Native populations following their contact with Europeans and elucidates the proximate causes of that catastrophe. Drawing on models that combine production potential with demography, environment, and technology, Shripad Tuljapurkar discusses analogous historical experiences of the populations of Polynesia and the social transformation they entailed. David S. Reher argues that explanations of the estimated demographic dynamics need to take into account the negative fertility responses of the Indigenous population to the disruption of their traditional way of life. Focusing on the biological aspects of immunity to diseases such as smallpox, Andrew Noymer demonstrates that infectious diseases alone could not account for the Indios' population collapse. The contributions to this symposium are based on presentations at a session at the 2010 annual meeting of the Population Association of America, held in Dallas, Texas, that examined the demographic consequences of the Spanish conquest of the Caribbean region and of South America in light of the two books.

Coefficients of relationship by isonymy, based on the frequency of common surnames, were used to estimate the biological affinity between (R(ib)) and within (R(iw)) 16 Sardinian villages in the periods 1825-1849, 1875-1899, and 1925-1949. The database for the surname analysis consisted of 13,515 marriages registered in the parishes of villages, all belonging to the Sardinian linguistic area. The values of R(ib) and R(iw) tend to decrease in time. In all three periods, the R(ib) values generally decrease as the geographical distance between villages increases. The negative values of the Bravais-Pearson coefficient of correlation between the matrix of R(ib) values and the matrices of geographical distances (calculated both in a straight line and from road distances) are significant for each period (modified Mantel test), with slightly higher correlation coefficients for road distances. Moreover, the plots of isonymic relationships obtained by nonmetric multidimensional scaling for 1825-1849 and 1925-1949 show that the biological relationships between neighboring villages increase in the latter period. The positive values of the Bravais-Pearson coefficients of correlation between R(iw) and altitude are significant in all three periods, while the correlation between R(iw) and population size is not significant, even when altitude is controlled for. Since altitude is considered an indicator of isolation, the results obtained with the coefficient of relationship by isonymy within villages also support the isolation-by-distance model. R(ib) values provided a reliable picture of the biological relationships between 16 Sardinian villages, while R(iw) values illustrated the biological affinity within the communities for a period of 100 years, from 1825-1849 to 1925-1949.