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Nine estimates of split-half reliability were calculated for two self-report facial imagery questionnaires. The mean values of .78 and .70 were judged to be only marginally acceptable. This may partly account for the previously reported weak relationship between the facial imagery and face recognition-memory performance.

For 20 faces, 85 subjects selected either a distinctive feature or a distinctive trait. For faces with spectacles, the eyes were judged to be most prominent, and the people were judged to be dull and intelligent. Results are discussed in terms of the physical attractiveness stereotype.

Participants heard 10 voices and were given a 2-alternative recognition-memory test. Accuracy was higher when testing was intentional rather than incidental and when faces accompanying the original voices were re-presented during the test. Some support was found for an attention-allocation model, which predicted poorest performance with incidental testing and faces not reinstated. Reported confidence was higher for correct than for incorrect decisions, but more confident participants were not more accurate.

Two experiments examined the effects of encoding operations on forced-choice recognition memory for upright and inverted photographs of faces. In Experiment 1, with distractors closely matched to targets, performance was better on upright than on inverted faces, but was unaffected by whether subjects judged faces for distinctive features, distinctive traits or distinctive expressions. In Experiment 2, where distractors were either absent or weakly matched to distractors, accuracy was again higher on upright than on inverted faces, and was similar for the three encoding operations on upright faces. In contrast, it was poorer for distinctive expression judgments than for distinctive feature or for distinctive trait judgments on inverted faces. These results support Winograd's (1981) claim that distinctive feature and distinctive trait judgments both lead to the isolation of distinctive features. However, it was argued that distinctive expression judgments led to configural processing that was disrupted by inversion.

Research has shown that people misremember right-looking heads on coins as facing to the left, suggesting a general memory schema that favors left-lookers. This hypothesis was investigated in a study of 241 subjects in three experiments who were shown photographs of faces looking to the left, to the right, or at the observer and were later asked to identify whether each one had subsequently been left-right reversed. Also, in Experiments 2 and 3, respectively, initial judgments of liking and of orientation were obtained. Unexpectedly, orientation memory accuracy was lower after a 5-s exposure than after a 1-s exposure, and after initial judgments of lateral orientation than after judgments of liking. Although the difference between left- and right-lookers was significant in only 2 of 14 comparisons, aggregated data showed that identification accuracy was generally higher for left-lookers, with a mean effect size of 0.16. Although small, this difference is consistent with the hypothesis of a left-looking schema for heads.

31 subjects classified 16 schematic faces on six dimensions. Attractiveness was generally associated with widely separated eyes, a short nose, and high feature placement. When features were considered in combination, faces with low placement were judged attractive, although the effect was mitigated by a narrow mouth. Previous findings concerning perceived age and gender were partially replicated, but folk wisdom linking intelligence to low placement (high forehead) was refuted. It is suggested that the relationship between individual features and attributions is nonlinear and interactive, and that researchers should investigate these hypotheses by exercising finer control over feature variations.

In two experiments in which task difficulty was manipulated via inversion or the presence of spectacles, 41 subjects provided recognition and confidence judgments for faces seen earlier. Subjects were more confident when correct than when incorrect, and the difference was greater when the task was easier. These results confirm the optimality hypothesis.

A total of 187 subjects in three conditions involving 1- or 3-sec. exposure times and 10-min. or 7-day delays were shown 20 photographs of faces, half of which were bespectacled, and then tested from a set of 40 consisting of the original 20 mixed up with 20 new ones, half of which were also bespectacled. Accuracy of recognition declined with shorter exposure and longer delay and was lower for faces with than without spectacles at the shorter delay. In all three conditions, there were more false-alarms for faces with than without glasses. It is concluded that eyeglasses did not serve as an efficient discriminating feature in recognition memory, and it is recommended that positive eyewitness identification of people wearing spectacles be treated with particular caution.

40 undergraduates categorized photographs of faces on the basis of sex or liking and then attempted to recognize them in normal or inverted orientations. For photographs which were normally oriented, accuracy and confidence were greater for pictures initially categorized for liking than for pictures initially categorized for sex. However, for inverted photographs, accuracy and confidence scores did not differ as a function of initial judgement, although they were generally poorer for the inverted than normal faces. Finally, subjects more often correctly recalled the initial category for normal than for inverted photographs, although both levels were close to chance. These findings are interpreted as being more consistent with a semantic than a feature model of facial representation.