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Opposing social movements are groups that have conflicting objectives on a shared social justice issue. To maximize the probability of their movement's success, groups can strategically portray their group in a favourable manner while discrediting their opposition. One such approach involves the construction of victimization discourses. In this research, we combined topic modelling and critical discursive psychology to explore how opposing groups within the feminist movement used victimization as a lens to understand their movements in relation to transgender women. We compiled a dataset of over 40,000 tweets from 14 UK‐based feminist accounts that included transgender women as women (the pro‐inclusion group) and 13 accounts, that excluded transgender women (the anti‐inclusion group). Our results revealed differences in how victimization was employed by the opposing movements: pro‐inclusion groups drew on repertoires that created a sense of shared victimhood between cisgender women and transgender women, while anti‐inclusion groups invoked a competitive victimhood repertoire. Both groups also challenged and delegitimised their oppositions' constructions of feminism and victimhood. These findings add to our understanding of the communication strategies used by opposing movements to achieve their mobilization goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voice is central to claims-making and contestations around gender equality. This article engages with a diverse set of literature, social and feminist movement theory, and gender and development scholarship, to foreground voice in the analysis of the discursive strategies of backlash actors and the counter-actions by feminist coalitions. Drawing on rich discussions with feminist academic-activists based in the global South and the UK, the article unpacks the various conceptual and methodological challenges that emerge in researching feminist collective voice in countering backlash, particularly on matters such as intersectionality and building collective feminist voice; intra-movement backlash and fragmentation of voice; capturing subtler forms of expressions of agency; and the cyclical nature of backlash. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the role of social movements in innovations in general and in mission-oriented policies specifically. The article shows, using the example of the contraceptive pill, how significant societal innovation requires the combination of different communities to create coalitions of change, each with slightly different interpretations of a common mission. Leading mission-driven innovation depends on being able to create and sustain these coalitions—social movements. Such innovation movements play an important role in mission-driven innovation of the kind now being pursued in many countries to ensure that innovation efforts contribute to meeting significant social challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are changing times impacting on the possibility of collective agency by actors and agencies responding to domestic violence against women in London? The struggle against the domestic abuse of women was grounded in the 1970s women's liberation movement under the rallying cry of 'the personal is the political'. Over time, the domestic violence (DV) response has become professionalised and mainstreamed, located in public sector agencies and charities, with small feminist groups challenging gender inequalities in different settings. These combined efforts are having no impact on the incidence of DV, and recent years have seen dramatic cuts in DV services. A snowball sample of 25 professionals, policy makers and activists across the DV response engaged in semi-structured interviews exploring their work experiences, particularly experiences of 'multi-sectoral collaboration', the professional instantiation of collective agency. Thematic analysis depicted an exhausted and divided sector. Nearly all informants saw DV as rooted in gender inequalities, and viewed collaborative working as essential for tackling its interlocking individual and social drivers. However, contemporary feminism was seen as completely irrelevant to the daily realities of professionals' work. The paper explores how the current economic, political and cultural contexts of interviewees' work experiences were hostile to the practice of multi-sectoral collaboration. Such contexts actively militated against collaborator solidarity, the inclusion of survivor voices and a social change orientation – preconditions for effective collective agency in tackling such a complex and multi-level social problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The women's liberation movements that emerged in Britain in the late 1960s are rarely thought of through their relationship with technology and technical knowledge. To overlook this is to misunderstand the movement's social, cultural and economic interventions; it also understates how the technical environment conditioned the emergence of autonomous, women-centred politics. This article draws on archival evidence to demonstrate how the autonomous women's liberation movement created experimental social contexts that enabled de-skilled, feminised social classes to confront their technical environment and the deficits they experienced within it. The context for forging such politics was the workshop. More than a one-off, skill-sharing event, the workshop was a mobile habitus, adapted from a Marxist craft politics that prioritised the distribution of collective knowledge and responsibility and enabled the realisation of women's self-determination and autonomy. The workshop was discursively extended through women-authored publications in the 1970s and 1980s and designated a specific orientation within knowledge that supported women to practise a range of technical knowledge and gain expertise. An important, and largely forgotten political legacy of women's liberation is its world-making activisms: how it created social contexts that supported de-skilled, feminised classes to substantially intervene, shape and re-build their environments. Such histories can inspire how we practise politics today within an environment characterised, some theorists claim, by dramatic scales of de-skilling and dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women's political parties are designed to increase women's representation in politics. More than 30 have been established in Europe since 1987, yet there has been little systematic analysis of why and when they emerge, how they organise and what challenges they face. We argue that the study of women's parties can offer insights into questions concerning inter and intra-party power relations and the relationship between social movements and political parties, while also contributing to broader debates around the 'big questions' of representation, gender (in)equality, and the dynamics of political inclusion and exclusion. This article explores these issues through a case study analysis of the UK's Women's Equality Party. Drawing upon original empirical research undertaken with party activists and officials, we argue that the party's impact has been constrained by wider organisational logics and an unequal party system, while it has so far adhered to traditional (male-dominated) patterns of party organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past few years we have witnessed a sharp resurgence in feminist activism as young women have become increasingly interested in feminist ideas as a means of making sense of their lives. This resurgence in feminist practice is evidenced by the formation of myriad groups and networks across Britain and the initiation of various feminist projects and campaigns, reported regularly and widely in local and national media. This article examines the renaissance of this new feminism through the example of one of the most active and publicly visible organisations, UK Feminista. It draws on ethnographic research into young women’s feminist activism, exploring the emergence of UK Feminista as part of this new wave of feminist activism in Britain. We argue that the wave metaphor has multifarious meanings and that to understand how the political practice of a small feminist organisation contributes to the amplification of this wave of feminist activism it is helpful to draw on concepts developed within social movement theory such as cycles of protest, repertoires of action and collective identities. We show how UK Feminista mobilises young women and provides resources to existing and new feminist organisations and activist groups, commenting particularly on its use of the Internet and social media as a mobilising device. We explore the role of the Internet in young women’s engagement with feminism, the forms of activism in which they take part and the importance of feminist cultural memory to the construction of a collective feminist identity. Our analysis reveals the significant part played by a small mobilising structure, UK Feminista, in the resurgence of feminist activism in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the start of the new millennium in the UK, a range of new feminist activities – national networks, issue-specific campaigns, local groups, festivals, magazines and blogs – have been formed by a new constituency of mostly younger women and men. These new feminist activities, which we term ‘third-wave’ feminism, have emerged in a ‘post-feminist’ context, in which feminism is considered dead or unnecessary, and where younger feminists, if represented at all, are often dismissed as insufficiently political. Representations of North American third-wave feminism are brought into play in these criticisms of the UK third wave, and insufficient attention has been paid to the distinctiveness of the UK contexts. Drawing on data from a survey of 1265 people involved in post-2000 forms of feminism and semi-structured interviews with thirty feminist activists, the article sketches out the contours of the contemporary feminist movement and its activists, activism and priorities. It attends to differences and similarities between second and third waves, and situates contemporary UK feminism in its distinctive UK context. Arguing that feminism is both alive and relevant for significant numbers of people in the UK today, the article interrogates younger feminists’ reluctance to use the term ‘third-wave feminism’ to describe themselves, attributing this reluctance to ambivalent and cynical representations of the third wave in academic literature and the popular media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Back in October 2015 I had the opportunity to chair the book launch for all three works discussed in this review essay. At the event, Shirley Anne Tate said, 'Black feminist theory is the theory'. The comment referred to how it is not 'just' that Black feminist theory is typically marginalised within institutional contexts and academic scholarship, 'even' within critical, feminist and poststructural work, but also to highlight the capacity of Black feminist scholarship to unpick and destabilise the known and knowable in ways that are profoundly ontological, and which offer potential routes to meaningful social change through the hard task of working across difference. The three books reviewed here by Shirley Anne Tate, Suryia Nayak and Shona Hunter are theoretically rich and complex in breadth, scope and range, drawing on extensive Black feminist scholarship, as well as critical race, critical feminist, psychosocial, psychoanalytic, postcolonial, decolonial and poststructural approaches. Each book is embedded in everyday practices and social processes, offering multi-layered movement across different spatial-social and affective scales in ways that allow 'big' insights to emerge from the locatedness and particularity of human experience. They are reviewed in turn and some concluding comments identify important commonalities across the texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The women articulating Second Wave Feminism in Britain emerged from the environment created by the 1944 Education Act, which ensured that all girls completed secondary school, with a minority accessing academic girls' grammar schools. For some, the Act also provided a route to professional education in universities or teacher training colleges. A legacy of earlier feminist movements, such all-female residential institutions exercised control, but nevertheless encouraged women's achievements. This article explores the opportunities, tensions and contradictions created by this educational culture from 1945–65, reflected in the views of my contemporaries and the writers, Margaret Cooke, Anne Oakley and Margaret Forster. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks back on the methodology and experience of feminist consciousness-raising (CR) in the 1970s, in relation to the current re-emergence of feminism. It constructs an argument that a new wave of CR is desirable so as to construct new forms of feminist pedagogy and activism. The paper will argue that contemporary feminism in the UK and USA would benefit from this kind of methodology, through which a standpoint is constructed. The core of the paper is an analysis of how CR works as an affective and social process. Drawing on academic studies and participant accounts, the paper reconstructs the mechanisms through which participants' subjectivities and narratives are expressed and transformed. It suggests that these mechanisms express different non-homogeneous temporalities. The paper invites feminist pedagogy to get back to the base level of experience and unfold new theories and strategies to address the current context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we examine three key, recently emergent sites of anti-austerity activism in Britain – Left Unity, the People’s Assembly and Occupy – in order to explore to what extent and in which ways the traditional British left is in the process of reconfiguring itself. More specifically, we explore the ‘points of contact’ being developed, or not, amongst feminist, anarchist and Marxist/socialist activists. We argue that if we are seeing a mutation of the left at present, it concerns a noticeable (if partial and contested) ‘feminist turn’ in terms of the composition, ideas and practices of these sites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the concept of socialism and feminism in Great Britain. It mentioned about influential and prescient currents of socialist feminism. Topics discussed includes what did socialism feminism stand for, the Chicago Women's Liberation Union and the whole history of socialist feminism.

The article discusses the new articulation of masculinity that had begun emerging across different locations within contemporary culture. Topics discussed includes reconfigurations of power that have been occurring in Britain during this period of continued neoliberal austerity and the changes in popular culture of feminism, gay liberation and the AIDS crisis.

Energised by highly visible, media-friendly issues of sexualisation and representation, new'fourth-wave'feminism must not dismiss concerns of structural inequality as relics of a previous age, argues Melissa Benn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1987, the face of British political life was forever changed when Diane Abbott became the first black woman elected to the House of Commons. Key to her work is her unwavering belief in making things better for others through determined advocacy combined with projects of social justice. Her longevity in the world of politics is in itself striking, and her loyalty to people and to her strong principles has consolidated a distinguished career as a parliamentarian, broadcaster and commentator. In this interview, Ms Abbott reflects upon the importance of calling herself a feminist and voices concerns about the sexualization of girlhood, an area she has particularly made her focus recently alongside her long-standing activism for young people and black children's education. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the history of the Society for Cultural Relations (SCR) between the peoples of the Union Soviet and Socialist Republic (USSR) and the British Commonwealth for the period 1924-1945. It mentions that the inception of the organization was formed by intellectuals and is aimed at facilitating the relationships between institutions and individuals in the fields of science and culture. It adds that the formation of the SCR is forced by the social and political interests of its founding members particularly of the women who had been involved in the feminist and suffragist movement.

Despite a substantial historiography on the 'pro-Boers', the role of women in the British campaigns against the South African war has never been systematically examined. This article discusses women's activism through the two main pro-Boer organizations, the Stop the War Committee and the South Africa Conciliation Committee, and through Liberal women's organizations. It examines women pro-Boers' arguments and attitudes to both pacifism and imperialism. Finally it considers the gender aspects of the pro-Boer campaigns, the development of distinctively feminist arguments against war, and the effects of the war on the British women's suffrage movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we address the question of ethics in the study of social movements from the perspective of ‘Sisterhood and After: The Women's Liberation Oral History Project’, which will record life history interviews of 50 key activists in the UK for the British Library Sound Archive. Our research is inspired by the democratic ideals of oral historical methods and of feminism itself, yet we have discovered tensions concerning the status of individual experience and the practicalities of selection and method. Turning to other feminist scholars of women's movements we identify four broad justifications for focusing on the individual: a political understanding of the personal; situated knowledge; an investment in interview relationships and a psycho-social framework of analysis. Testing these justifications against some of the oral histories we have gathered, we conclude that they go a long way to answering the paradox of studying a movement through a few individuals' stories. But we are frank about the ethical and intellectual limits that a life history method imposes on capturing social movements. Examples from interviews with Mia Morris, Beatrix Campbell, Lesley Abdela, Ellen Malos and Juliet Mitchell will illuminate the history at stake. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the female temperance reformers of Manchester, England and their effect on transnational feminism in the late 19th century. The Manchester and Salford Women's Christian Temperance Association (MWCTA) started promoting dry living until they joined the national British Women's Temperance Association (BWTA) and the World's Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU). The author argues that the MWCTA was one of the original transnational feminist networks in the 20th century.

Feminist film criticism is widely thought to have started in the late 1960s and early 1970s when the “Images of Woman” debate associated with critics such as Marjorie Rosen provided the foundation for later developments in feminist film theory. Antonia Lant has recently claimed the immediate post-1950 period to be a barren time for female-authored publications on film and cinema. This article argues that, contrary to received wisdom, the post-war period (1945–1959) in Britain was a time when women's film criticism flourished, with writers such as Dilys Powell, C.A. Lejeune, Catherine de la Roche and E. Arnot Robertson enjoying high-profile careers. Moving beyond a simple recovery of women's “hidden histories,” this article highlights the points of connection between the post-war period and later film criticism informed by second wave feminism. Through a case study of de la Roche and Robertson this article explores how women critics in this period were similarly preoccupied with screen representations of women and women's roles within the film industry, anticipating the later concerns of Rosen and others. I argue that a cross-media focus is a productive method for generating insights into women's critical agency at this time, and conclude that women's film criticism demonstrates something of the wider shifts taking place in gender relations in British society. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article reports on the debate concerning feminism and masculinity between National Association of Schoolmasters (NAS) and National Union of Women Teachers (NUWT) in Great Britain. They argue on the feminist view of women as talented, professional citizens for the NUWT and an aggressive masculinity for NAS members The battle between the two unions show an excellent demonstration of how hostility and fear of women could be disguised by rhetoric about the gender identity, public field and the proper education of children.

Younger generations of feminists have mistakenly focused on work-life balance and gender-related pay gaps rather than the hard issues of sexual violence and subjugation of women. We are now experiencing the consequences, argues Jean Edelstein [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers change in academe in Sweden and England, focusing on gender equity and the new public management reforms. In drawing on social movement theory, it is argued that public sector agendas in these countries have been affected by the influences of their respective women’s movements as well as by the new public management. The article explores these developments through the experiences of a group of employees whose voices are heard infrequently in the literature, those in middle-level academic positions in universities who are responsible for delivering change. It is argued that the rational, hierarchical, masculine discourses of the new public management offer challenges to women’s movement supporters, whose influences and responses are examined. It is contended that the use of social movement theory, as a vehicle through which to conceptualize change, offers a number of insights. These are: the contribution made to gender equity by women who are not self-defined feminists or strongly committed to equal opportunities, known as femocrats; the contribution made by some supportive men to gender equity; and the potential for future collective opposition to the new public management from women’s movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1960s, British trade unions have developed a policy for representing the interests of part-time workers, a significant process of frame extension within a mature social movement. This article seeks to account for this change. It concludes that change was a product of the growth of feminist activism within unions, the deployment of instrumental and solidarity frames and a response to political opportunities provided by both the British state and European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents information regarding the women's movement in mid-19th century Great Britain. The early movement's ability to accommodate and exploit existing positions from across the political spectrum constituted one of its strengths in achieving reforms, yet also left it vulnerable to reappropriation by the patriarchal ideology these positions ultimately served. Many activists had developed their feminism by applying these discourses to the situation of women, and believed that liberal reforms must ultimately encompass female civil emancipation.

U.K. regulation of sexual identity within a marriage context has traditionally been linked to biological sex. In response to the European Court of Human Rights decisions in Goodwin and I.,2 and in order to address the question of whether a transsexual person can be treated as a “real” member of their adoptive sex, the U.K. has recently passed the Gender Recognition Act 2004. While the Act appears to signal a move away from biology and towards a conception of sexual identity based on gender rather than sex, questions of sexual identity remain rooted in medico-legal assessments of the individual transsexual body/mind. In contrast, because transsexual people in some parts of Canada have been able to marry in their post-operative sex since 1990, contemporary debates on the sexual identity of transsexual people in British Columbia and Ontario do not focus on the validity of marriage, and more frequently centre upon the provision of goods and services, in human rights contexts where sex is said to matter. Currently in Canada this is prompting questions of what it means to be a woman in society, how the law should interpret sex and gender, and how, if at all, the parameters of sexual identity should be established in law. This article seeks to compare recent U.K. legal conceptualisations of transsexuality with Canadian law in this area. As human rights discourse begins to grow in the U.K., the question remains as to whether or not gender will become an adequate substitute for sex. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues, first, that the legal construction of transsexualism is a matter of interest, not only to members of the trans community, but to all students of gender, including feminists. The paper then proceeds to explain and analyse, using feminist perspectives, key aspects of the Gender Recognition Act 2004 in the light of the recent caselaw concerning the rights of trans persons. The 2004 Act, it is argued, is a conservative move, which attempts to deny the threat transsexualism poses to the binary system of gender, by instigating a system to formally ‘recognise’ only men and or women. However, the way in which the Act constructs the public/private divide and the mind/body relation carries potential for legal recognition of subject positions which may in a variety of ways be ‘beyond’ the binary system that is currently orthodox. The paper can as such be read as a case study in the legal (re)construction of gender, the gender/sex relation, and the widespread tendency to construct gender conservatively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transgender people are currently excluded from full citizenship in the UK. However, this is being challenged by a number of transgender groups. Sexual and feminist models of citizenship provide useful alternatives to mainstream models of citizenship, sharing a considerable amount of ground with transgender citizenship. However, transgender citizenship differs from sexual and feminist models in various ways. This article examines the commonalties and divergences between transgender citizenship and sexual and feminist approaches to citizenship, and explores some of the issues emerging in the area of transgender citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on a qualitative research study which set out to explore women's experiences and views of pornography within the broader context of conflicting feminist positions on pornography. The research methodology posed an implicit criticism of the kind of 'findings' familiar from mainstream psychological research: semi-structured interviews were conducted with women from diverse backgrounds in the UK, and feminist theory and discourse analysis were used to inform interpretation of their accounts. Although the question of feminism was not explicitly raised by the interviewer, it emerged as a recurrent theme in interviews, with interviewees suggesting that the feminist anti-porn stance in particular has influenced their perspective on pornography. Their accounts show that women's experiences are variegated, individual and complex, and that discourses of pornography and feminism may be negotiated in unpredictable ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on how notion of community was extended through letters during British women's peace movement at Greenham Common. Letter writing is a staple of all political campaigns, though one whose art and function is invariably underestimated. But in the women's peace movement its role as an internal binder and mediator was especially interesting. Letters were the means of political lobbying and of identification and resistance. Letters also register the tensions in these ideals of community. The emphasis on identity sometimes forced a peculiarly personal form of confrontation with those perceived to resist their efforts at change, such that letter writing became part of defensive cultural definition and boundary-making.

This paper addresses the issue of social movement abeyance in relation to contemporary British feminism. It argues that currently British feminism is a social movement in abeyance that is not actively confronting the social system, and is largely preoccupied with maintaining itself through service providing voluntary organizations, educational and intellectual activities and incorporation into elite politics. The analysis of abeyance is also developed at the conceptual level by adding further detail to how we might theorize abeyance by contrasting it with the insurgent phase of social movement activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

British research on social movements, with a few exceptions, has been criticised for making little reference to social movement theory, such that the term, social movement is often used as an unproblematic descriptor. This failure leaves intact assumptions about the relationship between the aims, organisation and activity of social movements and the 'interests' that underlie them. This paper attempts to integrate theoretical and substantive analyses of social movements in the context of the 'two women's movements' in the United States and Britain which have had the family as a key focus for mobilisation: one conventionally associated with feminism, the other a mass movement of women mobilised to challenge feminism's claim to speak on their behalf. The analysis reveals the limitations of both mainstream and radical/Marxist explanations of social movements on account of their shared reductionist orientation. It suggests that a more fruitful account is provided by resource mobilisation and post-Marxist theorists who, despite drawing on different traditions and questions, recognise the autonomy of politicised culture. The article concludes by questioning whether any foundationalist notion of 'interests' and the associated concept of 'identity' can provide the basis for grounding political behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the creation of gender-based protective legislation and the emergence of the Women's Protective and Provident League (WPPL) in Great Britain. Information on social influences in the development of feminist's views of protective legislation for women; Efforts of feminists to organize working women's memorials; Ideology of the WPPL.

This article does not aim to be a systematic review of women's studies and its ramifications in British sociology; rather it aims to present some of the key themes and areas attended to, and in the process reach some assessment of the extent to which the exercise of doing sociology has been in any way transformed by the feminist impetus. Three prior remarks are called for: one is that, since, by its very nature, women's studies is an interdisciplinary activity, restriction of the field of vision of sociology per se is not always possible or desirable. In particular, work done in the fields of social policy, social psychology, and social anthropology has fed into the concern of women's studies in sociology over this period. A cross-cultural perspective was especially important in the early years, when concern with the origin and meaning of observable social differences between men and women was high on the agenda. A second preliminary qualification relates to the exercise of locating women's studies within the academic domain. There are those who argue that this is, itself, improper; that, insofar as feminism is concerned with political action, the introduction of women into the academic syllabus is inappropriate and may even lead to political stasis.

The article discusses the role of women in contemporary politics of Great Britain. It is stated that the idea that women are equal to men, but different and that they have an important function as housewives and mothers was stressed in the Great Britain. According to the author, when feminism did begin to emerge in the region as a distinct movement, it tended to draw on somewhat different political tradition. British feminists continued to be more imbued with a class of analysis of politics and tended to reject the goals and traditions of suffragettes as bourgeois palliatives. Thus, the limited changes in patterns of female candidature seemed less remarkable.

Focuses on the problems of feminism in Great Britain. Details on the binary opposition between male and female towards a theory of multiple differences; Link between conflict of interests and the organizational basis of political mobilization; Connection between philosophy and politics.

The article focuses on women's movements in Great Britain. The women's movement has at least three branches. First, there are those mainly concerned with human rights in an unequal industrial society and therefore with the rights of those most likely to be exploited in that society--among them women, who are so often confined to the least skilled and lowest paid roles. In the social democratic center of this movement stand trade unionists and politicians who were winning important gains for women when the feminist movement was thought to be dead.

The article focuses on the future development of feminist film culture in Great Britain. The author discusses the strategies to women's art practice, maintaining that a unified, non-contradictory feminism is no longer a threat to the institutions of art exhibitions and criticism in which male dominance in art can be maintained. The author infers that feminist art asserts a discourse about the intersubjective relations which constitute feminine positions in history. The author also comments on Christine Gledhill's article "Recent Developments in Feminist Film Criticism," published in the journal "Quarterly Review of Film Studies" regarding several key problems for feminist film theory.

The article looks at the history of the socialist and feminist movements in Europe from 1890 to 1920 with particular focus on Germany, Great Britain and France. The authors attempt to generalize and draw parallels across the three countries. They provide a description of the feminist movements in Germany, Great Britain and France. They discuss how and why the socialist movement failed in developing socialist feminism. They also present a comparison of the socialist feminist movements in the three countries.

This article examines several records in relation to women's movement in Great Britain. The rebirth of the Women's Movement as a mass phenomenon during the past five years has resulted in a new interest in the history of feminism in this country. A whole generation of able young historians, most of them actively involved in feminist politics, has seen that the recreation of the past of their movement is a necessary step in the development of the modern movement. A Ruskin College History Workshop on Women in 1969 was one of the early signs of the new upsurge in feminist consciousness, and historical studies, of the family, of women in work, as well as of the activities of the movement itself, have been a characteristic demonstration of feminist engagement with the past. One of the roots of the women's movement lay in the campaign against the double standard of morality, in which Josephine Butler played a vital part. The great deal of work associated with her campaign to repeal the Contagious Diseases Act is reflected in the records of the Josephine Butler Society. It is the suffrage campaign, however, which is the best known aspect of the movement and many of its records survived. The modern movement is very conscious of its past, and of the need to preserve evidence of the current activities. It is significant that in the U.S. particularly moves are under way to collate and preserve records of the modern feminist movement, and that individuals in this country are doing the same.

A list of publications concerning women's studies in Great Britain are presented. It includes "Feminist Methodologies for International Relations," by Brook A. Ackerly, "Venomous Tongues: Speech and Gender in Late Medieval England," by Sandy Bardsley, and "History Matters: Patriarchy and the Challenge of Feminism," by Judith Bennett.