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"Les camps de regroupement en Algérie: Une histoire des déplacements forcés (1954–1962)" by Fabien Sacriste is a meticulously researched history of the forced relocation of Algeria's rural population by the French military between 1954 and 1962. The author examines the bureaucratic infighting and difficult relationships between French military and civil authorities during this period. The book also explores the negative connotations associated with the term "camp de regroupement" and the government's response to the displacement of Algerians. The author sheds light on the relationship between military tactics and modernization efforts in Algeria, as well as the long-lasting impact of the forced relocations. [Extracted from the article]

On 18 December 1965, a little over a month after Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence, Algeria broke off diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom, in protest at the Labour Government's decision not to use force against the white minority government in Salisbury. On one level, the diplomatic break seemed of secondary importance, and by the time relations resumed in April 1968, there had been no significant change in Britain's or Algeria's position on Rhodesia. However, as this article argues, the management of Britain's relations with Algeria between 1965 and 1968 sheds important light on the place and views of Africa in Labour and diplomatic circles, at a time of decolonisation, of a second, unsuccessful, application to the EEC and of the creation of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. The article focuses on four areas of policy in turn: the place of Rhodesia in Anglo-Algerian relations; the influence of Labour contacts on the management of relations with Algeria; the influence of the crisis on Britain's relations with the French in Africa and the impact of Franco-British exchanges on the evolution of British views and interests; and finally, the shifting place of Algeria in British diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

France's colonial history in Algeria has been the subject of "Memory Wars" since the end of the 1990s. Culminating in 2012 at the fiftieth anniversary of the Algerian War (1954–1962), these Memory Wars contributed to numerous publications about every aspect of Algeria. Large format coffee-table photographic books (beaux livres), as well as paperbacks full of collected memories of the colonial years and the war, from both French and Algerians, flooded French bookshops. In this article, I engage with the concepts of competitive, hoarded, and multidirectional memory to demonstrate how French memorial books that are especially photo driven appear to place war on display, but, at the same time, bury difficult and traumatic memory. The research examines three French memorial books published between 2010 and 2012, leading up to the fiftieth anniversary of Algerian independence, and addresses how traumatic memories are recuperated and still hidden within texts that attempt to fill a memorial void. Despite book titles that claim to examine the memories of war, within the books, Algeria often remains a beautiful, peaceful, and nostalgic backdrop. War is not clearly depicted in the images but emerges in accompanying descriptive texts. In light of France's establishment of the Truth and Memory Commission on the Algerian War in 2022, I examine how diverse versions of the past come into dialogue with each other, while individual memorial books continue to crowd out unspeakable violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The well-known Algerian intellectual Mohammed Harbi has famously said that while most states have an army, in Algeria the army has a state. What Arezki shows in great detail is that the armed forces were already intent on building a professional army that would become the core institution of the Algerian state. When Saphia Arezki began her research into the Algerian army, many people told her that her task was impossible, so secretive and opaque was the institution in question. [Extracted from the article]

During the 16th century, relations between Morocco and the Ottoman Empire were complex and often influenced by Algerian pashas. The interactions involved a diverse range of actors, including Iberian monarchs and local sheikhs. These interactions went beyond mere political rivalries and encompassed struggles for spiritual authority in the Maghreb. This article examines the rise of the Saʿdian dynasty within both internal and international contexts, followed by an analysis of the rivalry between Morocco and the Ottoman Empire in the mid-century. This approach aims to provide insights into the complex dynamics among the Saʿdians, Wattasids, Zayyanids, Hapsburg Spain, Portugal, the Ottoman Empire, and Algeria during the 1550s. The text pays particular attention to the enigmatic assassination of al-Mahdī, the Saʿdian sultan, shedding light on overlooked aspects that are crucial for comprehending broader geopolitical frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay, originally published as an editorial in the French newspaper Libération in November 2015. It argues that President François Hollande was correct when he announced that France was in a "state of war" following the 13 November 2015 attacks by Islamist terrorists that killed 180 people and wounded scores more. Following on the model established by Clausewitz defining what it means to be at war, the author enumerates those features in relation to the current situation in France following the attack. He also draws comparisons between the France in the days after the terrorist attacks and similar moments of conflicts in France's recent past, including the outset of World War I and the Algerian conflict several decades later. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study provides an insight into foreign language policy endeavour in Algeria. It responds to the concept of an English 'tidal wave' (Spolsky [2004]. Language policy. Cambridge University Press), and uses Spolsky's ([2009]. Language management. Cambridge University Press) social approach and Djité's ([1994]. From language policy to language planning. National Languages and Literacy Institute of Australia) definition of language policy. The study is a qualitative research which relies on the contribution of 20 Algerian university students who are affiliated with eight Algerian universities, and on the researchers' observations, social media pictures, videos, social media comments, and news outlet reports. The study concludes that there is a 'seismic wave' of English language (in terms of beliefs, practices and demands) amid the smile revolution protests (hirak) that will give rise to a future tidal wave of English based on the bottom-up involvement of participants in the policy-making process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue Académique des Études Sociales et Humaines is the property of Hassif Benbouali University of Chlef and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue Académique des Études Sociales et Humaines is the property of Hassif Benbouali University of Chlef and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines geopolitical responses to postcolonial films on the Internet Movie Database (IMDb). Maghrebi-French films Days of Glory (French: Indigenes) (2006), Outside the Law (French: Hors la loi) (2010) and Free Men (French: Les hommes libres) (2011) collectively re-tell Algerian histories of resistance and anti-colonialism in the Second World War and the Algerian War of Independence, using Hollywood combat and gangster genre to do so. This paper finds that the specific temporal and spatial narratives of (post)colonial France and Algeria are transformed and read geopolitically as allegories of more familiar conflict, namely the War on Terror, the Arab Spring and Israel-Palestine. Drawing on the fields of postcolonial theory and popular geopolitics, this article extends the scope of popular geopolitics to consider postcolonial film and its reception as a site of geopolitical contestation. In doing so, this article highlights how the reception of 'foreign-language' postcolonial stories in the Anglosphere is mediated by popular geopolitical frames of reference, and is dependent on the context of reception and (post)colonial power relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue Académique des Études Sociales et Humaines is the property of Hassif Benbouali University of Chlef and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article takes as its starting point the use of fire as a political metaphor by Algerians who participated in the Screening Violence research project; it emerged in these discussions as a trope of struggle and conflict in Algeria. In part, this political imaginary has been influenced by France, where fire has historically represented freedom and resistance to unjust powers. However, this inheritance has not been received passively in Algeria, and its irony in a colonial context contributes to a complex relationship with tropes of resistance in Algerian cultural and social discourse. We therefore trace a genealogy of the trope of fire which acknowledges the inevitable and significant contribution of the French political imaginary to the Algerian, but which also recognises the distinct cultural modes of resistance taken up by Algerian artists and political activists themselves, from the Algerian Revolution of 1954 to the Hirak protests of 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue Académique des Études Sociales et Humaines is the property of Hassif Benbouali University of Chlef and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Chronique d'un été (Chronicle of a Summer , Edgar Morin and Jean Rouch, 1961) fails to make a clear statement concerning the controversial Franco-Algerian War (1954–1962) and its associated torture, terrorism, and draft. This article explores the reasons for Chronique d'un été 's ambivalence before unearthing Algérie, année zéro (Algeria, year zero, 1962), a virtually unknown documentary filmed two months after the war by an activist couple featured in Chronique d'un été , Marceline Loridan and Jean-Pierre Sergent. Using Jacques Derrida's term différance , I argue that the films overlap, contradict, and parallel each other to reveal the French Left's evolving relationship with Algeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On July 5, 2021, Algeria celebrated the fifty-ninth anniversary of her independence. The eight-year war, which broke out on November 1, 1954, cost the country much blood and resulted in 1.5 million deaths. This article looks at this page of history. My objective is to show why the Algerians took up arms, and to reexamine the conflict between the French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre and the Algeria-born philosopher Albert Camus in light of the War of Independence. I argue that the friendship between the two philosophers can be seen as one casualty of this war, a friendship that had no chance of surviving given their different approaches to justice. Whereas for Sartre, justice was in no manner exclusive of freedom; for Camus, it was all that the Arabs needed, any demand for freedom being solely the work of a few militants "without any political culture." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of History in Africa: A Journal of Method is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses patterns of what I will call de-colonial gazing in Slanted Kisses (1962): a short film directed by two European settlers, in and around Algiers, during the Algerian War (1954–1962). As a means of departure, I identify two types of de-colonial gaze that I argue are crucial to the politics of Slanted Kisses: 'the amorous gaze' (linked to a desire to forget about conflict, and to retreat into Eurocentric solitude); and 'the panoramic gaze' (linked to a desire to control the colonial landscape, transforming it into a visual spectacle). In the third section of the article, I then examine the allegorical imaginary at play in Slanted Kisses – anchored in visual idioms of light and darkness – before concluding with some thoughts on how this allegory functions in relation to the history of decolonization in Algeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This anide wants only to present an imperfect panorama on what the cinema have produced on the Algerian war (1954-1962). The cinema haven't done a great number of film on this topic, but a very interesting series of movies into 1961 and 2011. The films, above all frenchs and italians, except Les centurions (or The lost command, known in Italy as Né onore né Gloria, 1966) by Mark Robson, a French-American co-production, have reponed the methods used by the French army to reprime the Algerian rebellion of the F.L.N., including torture, but too all the French ambiguities on this vain and colonialist war in delay during the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Prize Papers Collection held at the National Archives in Kew contains more than 280 letters and documents in Judeo-Arabic (Arabic written in Hebrew script) taken from the British cartel ship Venus in 1800. Most of the letters and documents belonged to Shlomo Bū Shaʿra, an Algerian Jewish merchant who travelled between Algeria and Europe on business during the late 18th century. This article introduces the Judeo-Arabic documents from the Prize Papers Collection. It applies a linguistic analysis to a sample of 15 letters and documents, and transcribes and translates three documents written in Arabic and Judeo-Arabic scripts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Synergies Algérie is the property of GERFLINT (Groupe d'Etudes et de Recherches pour le Francais Langue Internationale) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

14 On Rawls's own engagement with the trope of the "death of political philosophy", see Bejan, "Rawls's Teaching", 4-6, 13-15. 15 Murad Idris, "Islam, Rawls, and the Disciplinary Limits of Late Twentieth-Century Liberal Philosophy", I Modern Intellectual History i (Dec. 2020): 1-24, https://doi.org/10.1017/S1479244320000499. Although Rawls did not publish this work, it is evidence of how certain events and relations presented themselves as moral questions to which the Rawlsian disciplinary field sought answers and as philosophical problems around which Rawls and his interlocutors developed principled positions. Rawls Today, Rawls represents an entire mode of philosophical inquiry, one that has reshaped segments of American moral political philosophy, political theory, and legal studies programs. In the spring of 1969, two years prior to the publication of I A Theory of Justice i (1971), the American philosopher John Rawls studied just war theory and taught a course devoted partially to the topic. [Extracted from the article]

Historically, the Sahara had connected the north and the south of Africa through the oases. However, national histories have focused on the populated area, neglecting the unique experience of the Saharans. This article aims to revisit a question about the political belonging of the Saharans, which arose during the Algerian War, with reference to the oasis town located in the north-central Sahara: Wargla. In the 1950s, France planned to build the new polity ‘Sahara Français’ as part of its colonial reforms. This plan was accompanied by the separation of the Saharan part of the territory of French Algeria, and it offered the people of the relevant area two possibilities: Algeria or Sahara Français. Confronted with this situation, the reactions of the inhabitants of Wargla were not uniform. The author explores the causes of their different attitudes, focusing on three caïds (muslim chiefs). After evaluating the changes in social status brought by their choices, they developed their strategies, and then decided their own political belongings. Thus, the pragmatic and specific political actions of the Saharans, which were not confined to the territorial perceptions utilized as a framework by most of historians, were revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Bahith Journal is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Alice Zeniter's 2017 novel The Art of Losing, translated recently by Frank Wynne from French to English, explores how buried histories resurface and haunt generations to come, despite national efforts to ignore, if not minimalize, the enduring impacts of colonialism, independence struggles and exile. Set in contemporary France in the wake of the 2015 terrorist attacks, and loosely inspired by Zeniter's own family history, the book follows Naïma, a young woman of Algerian decent who grapples with a largely unknown and misconstrued harki heritage. Drawing on Marianne Hirsch's concept of postmemory, this article investigates intergenerational transmission of memory, trauma, and silence around themes such as war, exile and integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Algerian War of Independence, both the colony and metropolitan France were in the arena of conflict. Nearly four thousand Algerians died in France, victims of the civil war between the National Liberation Front (NFL) and the National Algerian Movement, (MNA), of French police brutality during demonstrations and violent arrests, and of judiciary repression. The issue of the 'war dead' became important during the hostilities and especially after independence, when their bodies were finally repatriated to Algeria. Drawing on new archival sources and interviews with former independence fighters, this article examines the posthumous trajectory of Algerian militants killed in France. It describes their eventful political and memorial afterlives from the anonymity of the French cemeteries where they were first buried, to their prominent incorporation into the Algerian national pantheon and subsequent significance in the construction of a transnational memorial space that includes museum projects, books and commemorations in both Algeria and France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Synergies Turquie is the property of GERFLINT (Groupe d'Etudes et de Recherches pour le Francais Langue Internationale) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present essay surveys the development of Beckett studies since the archival turn and the gaining ground of posthumanistic readings and readings of finitude. It draws attention to the historically and politically overdetermined referents in Beckett's postwar texts, to a hinterland of politically charged writing and activities present from the beginning of Beckett's career, and to the way in which his texts thematize the occultation of the Shoah, but also, of the Algerian war in French public life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I propose to examine Zohra Drif's memoir of her participation in Algeria's war against the French colonizer, an eight-year war waged from 1954 to 1962 that ended in Algerian independence. I analyze the memoir as a written representation of resistance that confirms that Algerian women were active participants in an anticolonial war and that their war experience was transformative. Drif's courage and resiliency tested, she emerges empowered. Yet, her narrative attests to the trauma endured and raises a moral issue, the taking of innocent lives in a political struggle. I suggest that by offering her readers a testimonial narrative that acknowledges war in its complexity–the triumphs, the losses, the difficult choices and decisions–Drif confirms Maša Mrovlje's and Jennet Kirpatrick's view of the feminist resister as an individual imbedded in her society, a combatant who acknowledges her vulnerabilities, and accepts the ambiguities of her actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Initially, France sought to exclude Algeria from European integration and it did not seek to include Algeria in the European Coal and Steel Community, which was created in 1951. In particular, Italy wanted to direct EEC development funding towards its own I mezzogiorno i (the country's southern half) and France towards Algeria. Between the signing of the Treaty of Rome in 1957 until Algeria became independent in 1962, the country was part of Europe - or at least part of the European Economic Community (EEC). [Extracted from the article]

Despite its long history, Algerian Islamic pottery and ceramics have not been widely studied, and much of the knowledge about this important aspect of Algeria's cultural heritage remains fragmented. Nevertheless, it continues to be an important part of Algeria's cultural identity and serves as a testament to the country's rich artistic heritage. This Algerian Islamic pottery refers to ceramics produced in Algeria during the Islamic period, typically between the 8th and 19th centuries. In this work, ceramics fragments from bowls, plates, and jars collected around Hammadite Islamic historical cities and castles of M'sila and Bejaia localities [1]. Six ceramics fragments fabricated with double firing technique were dated using thermoluminescence (TL) method. Moreover, the origins of the used material for their fabrication were studied through a statistical comparison of their compositions to a reference dataset of row materials [2]. The fabrication and row materials were analyzed using X-ray fluorescence (XRF). Results of TL dating show that most of the dated fragments are from the 10th and 12th centuries corresponding to the Hammadite regency between M'sila and Bejaia. The errors on age reach in some cases 25%. Comparisons between row materials and ceramics fragments compositions allow us to conclude that the studied ceramics fragments are locally fabricated except for one fragments (sample N°3) where no hard evidence and no correlation with the considered row materials dataset were found. Indeed for most ceramics fragments, the performed statistical test demonstrate well that the used fabrication materials fit well with the row materials collected from deposits around the Hammadite cities and castles like oued Fredj in M'sila. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jewish leaders during the Franco-Algerian War (1954-1962) drastically changed their statements on Jewish-Algerian identity, history, and status. Below, we examine this shift by analyzing their statements about Adolphe Crémieux, the namesake of the decree that gave Algerian Jews French citizenship in 1870. Between 1954 and 1962, Jewish leaders went from adulation to dismissal as they discussed the man and his legacy. Analyzing statements about Crémieux brings into sharp relief the Jews' legal situation in Algeria, which arbitrarily changed at certain moments. A look at these statements also reveals the instability of the French colonial system in Algeria. The first part of this article argues that the Crémieux Decree--already fundational to Jewish-Algerian identity--took on a new importance after the Second World War into the 1950s. The second part looks at reversals in attitudes toward Crémieux a few years later. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Middle East Yearbook / Ortadoğu Yıllığı is the property of Bilgi Kultur Dernegi (Knowledge & Culture Association) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This roundtable essay on decolonization focuses on the availability and access to archival source material related to the French colonization of Algeria. It considers competing narratives of how the history sources for the period of 1830 to 1962 became lost or misplaced through theft or destruction. An outline of the public dispute between France and Algeria regarding sources, including during the period of the Algerian Revolution, is presented.

This article offers a longitudinal review of print media representations of the European population in Algeria, from the final months of the Algerian war to commemorative coverage of the 50th anniversary in 2012. It traces the evolution of the métropole's relatively hostile view of the Français d'Algérieas a ‘foreign’ people to the depiction of an integrated group whose voice has become incorporated within official memory. With reference to the anniversary coverage of 2012, it argues that while the pied-noir lobby was partially successful in persuading the media to adopt aspects of their historical narrative, the socio-political context of the ‘guerre de mémoires’ produced challenges to that narrative, with the relativisation of the pied-noir experience as one aspect of a broader memorial mosaic of the war. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]