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The article introduces new paleoanthropological materials from the Mayak burial ground near Sidelkino village in the Samara region into scientific discourse. The materials were obtained as a result of excavations in 1995 and only recently was it possible to date them. As a result of AMS analysis fulfilled by the authors, human remains from two burials were dated back to the Early Mesolithic. The analysis was carried out taking into account the influence of the “reservoir effect.Despite the rather poor preservation of individuals from the two described burials, the authors carried out an osteological analysis of an adult male from the second burial. He turned out to be quite tall, with elongated legs, shortened forearms, saber-shaped tibia and relatively massive bones of the lower limbs. In burial 3, the remains of an adult woman and a child of 7–10 years old were found. Comparing the osteological indicators of the man from the second burial with materials from the same burial ground of excavations in 2002, the authors came to the conclusion that the people whose remains were found on the hill Mayak in 1995 and in 2002 probably belong to the same population. Similar morphological characteristics are proof of this.

This paper reviews significant issues related to the fossil hominins from the Altai Mountains of Siberia (Russia), namely Denisovans, Neanderthals, and early modern humans. Uncritical acceptance of the recovered information by some authors has resulted in unreliable chronologies of the Middle and Upper Paleolithic artifact assemblages and the animal and hominin fossils. We examine the chronostratigraphic contexts and archaeological associations of hominin and animal fossils and the lithics discovered at the Denisova, Okladnikov, Strashnaya, and Chagyrskaya cave sites. Taphonomic, site formation, and geomorphological studies show evidence of disturbance and redeposition caused by carnivore activity and sediment subsidence at these sites, which complicates the dating of the human remains. Our analysis indicates that the Middle Paleolithic is dated to ca. 50,000–130,000 years ago, and the Upper Paleolithic to ca. 12,000–48,000 years ago. The best age estimate for Denisovans is ca. 73,000–130,000 years ago. The ages of Neanderthals can be determined as more than 50,000–59,000 years ago, and of modern humans at roughly 12,000–48,000 years ago. Denisovan and Neanderthal fossils are associated with Middle Paleolithic complexes only.

We present an analysis and interpretation of current knowledge on Paleolithic diet in Siberia and Eastern Europe, based on C and N stable isotope ratios in bone collagen of the pre-Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) and LGM hominins: three Neanderthals; one possible Denisovan; a Neanderthal/Denisovan hybrid; and 13 early anatomically modern humans (AMH). We used animal stable isotope information for Siberia obtained previously to establish the baselines for hominins; this is supplemented by stable isotope values for large mammals from the central West Siberian Lowland which were the probable sources of protein for Paleolithic humans in this region (first of all, the oldest directly radiocarbon-dated Ust’-Ishim AMH in Asia). A comparison of results on Paleolithic hominin diet from Siberia and Eastern Europe with Central Europe was also undertaken. The Neanderthal diet in Siberia was based on the consumption of terrestrial animal protein. As for the Neanderthal/Denisovan hybrid from Denisova Cave (Altai Mountains, southern Siberia), the contribution of aquatic food like freshwater fish can be preliminarily suggested. Overall, Paleolithic AMHs in Siberia and Eastern Europe procured mainly terrestrial herbivores—in particular, reindeer, horse, and bison. It is possible that some of the oldest AMH individuals—like Kostenki 1—supplemented their diet with a certain amount of aquatic food (freshwater fish).

For more than a half-century, obsidian provenancing has underpinned many archaeological investigations of peoples of the past. The pace of obsidian studies in this regard has gathered significantly since around 2007, and we review the literature to gain a sense of where this momentum has come from, and what it heralds. In part, there is a data revolution underway, arising thanks to the capabilities for rapid survey and analysis enabled by field-portable analytical equipment. Obsidian studies are also gaining a stronger foothold in regions of the world where the approach was previously under-exploited. Our survey spans progress made in obsidian studies in the Mediterranean, Central Europe, the Near East, the Caucasus, Northeast Asia and Tibet, the Eurasian Arctic and Alaska, Southeast Asia, the Americas, Oceania, and Africa and Arabia. We also consider methodological issues related to compatibility of differing geochemical analytical techniques, and the state of the art in obsidian geochemical classification. The proliferation of new observations brings opportunities in terms of development of regional and global databases, as well as challenges of calibration and validation of analyses made by different scientists and laboratories employing diverse instrumentation. Obsidian provenancing demonstrates the astonishing ranges of our ancestors’ interactions and networks, sometimes exceeding 1000 km and involving maritime transport.

This overview is based on the results of 25+ years of provenance studies to identify the sources of high-quality volcanic glass (obsidian) in prehistoric cultural complexes of the far eastern and northeastern regions of Russia (Maritime Province, the Amur River basin, Sakhalin Island, the Kurile Islands, Kamchatka Peninsula, Chukotka region, the Kolyma River basin, and the High Arctic), as well as in adjacent parts of Northeast Asia (Hokkaido Island, the Korean Peninsula, and Manchuria). The extended networks of obsidian exchange in antiquity are reconstructed for the southern Russian Far East and Northeastern Siberia. A possible mechanism of long-distance obsidian exchange/trade in Northeastern Siberia is suggested.

Since the 1990s, a characteristic obsidian geochemistry has linked widespread archaeological assemblages spanning the Russian Far East, Korean Peninsula, and Northeast China. Referred to as PNK1, the source of this material has yet to be identified. As a contribution to solving this enduring puzzle, we report here analyses of a commercial specimen of obsidian exported from Chongjin in DPR (North) Korea. A combination of Neutron Activation Analysis (NAA) and Potassium Argon dating enable us to compare this piece with a large obsidian database for Northeast Asia. We find that the “Chongjin sample” is identical to PNK1 lithics from archaeological collections. While the exact source of the “Chongjin sample” remains unknown, we can more confidently locate the primary source for PNK1 lithics in DPR Korea. Based on an exhaustive literature review of the geology and geochemistry of volcanic glasses and other volcanic rocks in the northern part of the Korean Peninsula, and drawing on our own unpublished data, we suggest that the PNK1 source is most likely located south of Paektusan Volcano. This corroborates the existing evidence for the long-range transport of the material.

Significance The Siberian Arctic has witnessed numerous societal changes since the first known appearance of dogs in the region ∼10,000 years ago. These changes include the introduction of ironworking ∼2,000 years ago and the emergence of reindeer pastoralism ∼800 years ago. The analysis of 49 ancient dog genomes reveals that the ancestry of Arctic Siberia dogs shifted over the last 2,000 years due to an influx of dogs from the Eurasian Steppe and Europe. Combined with genomic data from humans and archaeological evidence, our results suggest that though the ancestry of human populations in Arctic Siberia did not change over this period, people there participated in trade with distant communities that involved both dogs and material culture., Dogs have been essential to life in the Siberian Arctic for over 9,500 y, and this tight link between people and dogs continues in Siberian communities. Although Arctic Siberian groups such as the Nenets received limited gene flow from neighboring groups, archaeological evidence suggests that metallurgy and new subsistence strategies emerged in Northwest Siberia around 2,000 y ago. It is unclear if the Siberian Arctic dog population was as continuous as the people of the region or if instead admixture occurred, possibly in relation to the influx of material culture from other parts of Eurasia. To address this question, we sequenced and analyzed the genomes of 20 ancient and historical Siberian and Eurasian Steppe dogs. Our analyses indicate that while Siberian dogs were genetically homogenous between 9,500 to 7,000 y ago, later introduction of dogs from the Eurasian Steppe and Europe led to substantial admixture. This is clearly the case in the Iamal-Nenets region (Northwestern Siberia) where dogs from the Iron Age period (∼2,000 y ago) possess substantially less ancestry related to European and Steppe dogs than dogs from the medieval period (∼1,000 y ago). Combined with findings of nonlocal materials recovered from these archaeological sites, including glass beads and metal items, these results indicate that Northwest Siberian communities were connected to a larger trade network through which they acquired genetically distinctive dogs from other regions. These exchanges were part of a series of major societal changes, including the rise of large-scale reindeer pastoralism ∼800 y ago.

We report a new series of radiocarbon (14C) dates on the MIS 3 megafauna for a previously poorly studied region of southeastern West Siberia. Some species, like woolly mammoth and woolly rhinoceros, and Pleistocene bison and horse, existed throughout the MIS 3 (ca. 29–59 ka cal BP); cave hyaena is dated to ca. 46,400 cal BP. The very late 14C dates on Khozarian steppe elephant (Mammuthus trogontherii chosaricus), ca. 45,100–45,400 cal BP, may indicate the survival of this species in Siberia up to MIS 3. More work is needed to confirm or reject this suggestion. Previously, Khozarian steppe elephant was known in Siberia only at the beginning of the Late Pleistocene (MIS 5e).

The article was prepared with the support of Tomsk State University grant program; State assignment number 0330-2016-2018; the Russian Science Foundation (RNF), grant number 14-50-00036.

Dire wolves are considered to be one of the most common and widespread large carnivores in Pleistocene America1, yet relatively little is known about their evolution or extinction. Here, to reconstruct the evolutionary history of dire wolves, we sequenced five genomes from sub-fossil remains dating from 13,000 to more than 50,000 years ago. Our results indicate that although they were similar morphologically to the extant grey wolf, dire wolves were a highly divergent lineage that split from living canids around 5.7 million years ago. In contrast to numerous examples of hybridization across Canidae2,3, there is no evidence for gene flow between dire wolves and either North American grey wolves or coyotes. This suggests that dire wolves evolved in isolation from the Pleistocene ancestors of these species. Our results also support an early New World origin of dire wolves, while the ancestors of grey wolves, coyotes and dholes evolved in Eurasia and colonized North America only relatively recently. © 2021, The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Limited. Acknowledgements We thank the staff at the Carnegie Museum of Natural History, Cincinnati Museum Center, Danish Zoological Museum, Harrison Zoological Museum, Harvard Museum of Comparative Zoology, Idaho Museum of Natural History, Institute of Archaeology (Russian Academy of Sciences), Institute of Systematics and Animal Ecology (Russian Academy of Sciences), Institute of Zoology (Chinese Academy of Sciences), Instituto de Conservação da Natureza e das Florestas, Kansas Museum of Natural History, La Brea Tar Pits and Museum, Ludwig Maximilian University, McClung Museum, Museum of the Institute of Plant and Animal Ecology (Russian Academy of Sciences), Museum national d’Histoire naturelle, National Museums Scotland, Natural History Museum London, Naturalis Biodiversity Center, Naturhistorisches Museum Bern, Smithsonian National Museum of Natural History, Swedish Naturhistoriska Riksmuseet, SYLVATROP, US Bureau of Reclamation, University of California Museum of Paleontology, University of Texas at El Paso, University of Washington Burke Museum and the Zoological Institute (Russian Academy of Sciences; state assignment no. АААА-А19-119032590102-7) for access to specimens in their care; T. Barnosky, S. Bray, A. Farrell, R. Fischer, A. Harris, J. Harris, A. Henrici, P. Holroyd, R. MacPhee, T. Martin, A. Philpot, J. Saunders, J. Southon, G. Storrs, G. Takeuchi, X. Wang and C. Widga for assistance; and L. DeSantis for comments. A.M. used computational and storage services associated with the Hoffman2 Shared Cluster provided by UCLA Institute for Digital Research and Education’s Research Technology Group. DireGWC was sequenced using the Vincent J. Coates Genomics Sequencing Laboratory at UC Berkeley, supported by NIH S10 OD018174 Instrumentation Grant. We acknowledge the assistance of the Danish National High-Throughput Sequencing Centre, BGI-Europe, the Garvan Institute of Medical Research and the Australian Cancer Research Foundation (ACRF) Cancer Genomics Facility for assistance in Illumina and BGIseq500 data generation. A.R.P. was supported by a Marie Curie COFUND Junior Research Fellowship (Durham University). A.M. was supported by an NSF grant (award number: 1457106) and the QCB Collaboratory Postdoctoral Fellowship (UCLA). L.A.F.F., J.H., A.H.-B. and G.L. were supported by either European Research Council grant (ERC-2013-StG-337574-UNDEAD and ERC-2019-StG-853272-PALAEOFARM) and/or Natural Environmental Research Council grants (NE/K005243/1 and NE/K003259/1). K.S. was supported by a grant from Barrett, the Honors College at Arizona State University. A.T.O. was supported by the Strategic Initiative Funds, Office of the President, Arizona State University to the Institute of Human Origins DNA and Human Origins at Arizona State University project. L.A.F.F. was supported by a Junior Research Fellowship (Wolfson College, University of Oxford) and L.A.F.F. and A. Carmagnini were supported by the Wellcome Trust (210119/Z/18/Z). S.G. was supported by Carlsbergfondet grant CF14–0995 and Marie Skłodowska-Curie Actions grant 655732-WhereWolf. M.T.P.G. was supported by ERC Consolidator grant 681396-Extinction Genomics. B.S. and J.K. were supported by IMLS MG-30-17-0045-17 and NSF DEB-1754451. A.H.-B. was supported by the Leverhulme Trust (ECF-2017-315). A. Cooper, K.J.M. and H.H. were supported by the Australian Research Council. A.T.S. and G.G. were supported by Australian Government Research Training Program Scholarships. A.T.L. was supported by the Peter Buck Postdoctoral Fellowship from the Smithsonian Institution’s National Museum of Natural History. Y.V.K. was supported by the by State Assignment of the Sobolev Institute of Geology and Mineralogy.

Geochemical analysis of 102 obsidian artifacts from the lower reaches of the Kolyma River was performed to understand the provenance of the raw material; previously, there were no such studies in this region. Sites under investigation belong to the Arctic Neolithic, generally dated to ca. 6000–1500 BP. Based on the data for potential obsidian sources in Northeastern Siberia and neighboring territories, available to us, it was found that all obsidian artifacts originated from the Lake Krasnoe source in Chukotka, with a straight-line distance of ca. 800–1100 km from archaeological sites of the Kolyma River. This is a remarkable example of long-distance exchange/transport of obsidian in Northeastern Siberia during the Stone Age. The Lake Krasnoe locale was the primary obsidian source for prehistoric populations in this vast region, including Chukotka, the Kolyma River basin, and Okhotsk Sea coast; this obsidian was also identified at some Alaskan sites near the Bering Strait.

Patterns for the emergence of pottery-making in greater East Asia based on radiocarbon dates associated with the earliest pottery assemblages are presented. According to a critical evaluation of the existing evidence, the oldest centers with pottery in East Asia are located in South China (dated to ca. 18,000 cal BP), the Japanese Islands (ca. 16,700 cal BP), and the Russian Far East (ca. 15,900 cal BP). The claim for earlier pottery in South China at the Xianrendong Cave, supposedly dated to ca. 20,000 cal BP, cannot be substantiated. The appearance of pottery in other parts of greater East Asia was a slow process, without clear diffusion from any of these centers toward the periphery. In neighboring Siberia, the oldest pottery dated to ca. 14,000 cal BP is known from the Transbaikal.

During the Late Glacial, hunter-gatherers began using ceramic cooking containers in three separate geographic regions of East Asia: China, Japan and in the Russian Far East. While recent research has clarified the use of early pottery in Japan, very little is known about what led to the emergence of pottery in the other two areas, including the likely environmental, economic or cultural drivers. In this paper we focus on a series of key sites along the Amur River in the Russian Far East, where early pottery has been recovered from securely-dated contexts that span ca. 16,200 to 10,200 years ago (cal BP). Interpreting how these ceramic vessels were used has been difficult because the region’s acidic soils make palaeo-economic reconstructions challenging. To address this gap in knowledge we undertook lipid residue analysis of 28 pot sherds from the sites of Khummi, Gasya, and Goncharka 1 on the Lower Amur River, and the Gromatukha site on the Middle Amur. Our results indicate that pottery was employed to process aquatic oils at sites on the Lower Amur, a pattern of use that aligns closely with studies conducted in Japan, and suggests that fishing – probably of salmonids and freshwater fish – was becoming increasingly important during this period. In contrast, the results from the Middle Amur show a significant contribution of lipids from ruminant animals, indicating that these vessels were being used in different ways. Interestingly, these regional differences in pottery use also map onto contrasting manufacturing techniques, with vessels from the Middle and from the Lower Amur forming distinct pottery-making traditions. These combined insights appear to indicate a greater degree of variability in the development and use of early pottery in East Asia than has hitherto been indicated.

Frantz, Laurent/0000-0001-8030-3885; Ersmark, Erik/0000-0003-4186-7498; Sjogren, Karl-Goran/0000-0003-1791-3175; Bergstrom, Anders/0000-0002-4096-9268 WOS:000583031800042 PubMed ID: 33122379 Dogs were the first domestic animal, but little is known about their population history and to what extent it was linked to humans. We sequenced 27 ancient dog genomes and found that all dogs share a common ancestry distinct from present-day wolves, with limited gene flow from wolves since domestication but substantial dog-to-wolf gene flow. By 11,000 years ago, at least five major ancestry lineages had diversified, demonstrating a deep genetic history of dogs during the Paleolithic. Coanalysis with human genomes reveals aspects of dog population history that mirror humans, including Levant-related ancestry in Africa and early agricultural Europe. Other aspects differ, including the impacts of steppe pastoralist expansions in West and East Eurasia and a near-complete turnover of Neolithic European dog ancestry. SciLifeLab National Projects; Erik Philip Sorensen Foundation; Francis Crick Institute from Cancer Research UK [FC001595]; UK Medical Research CouncilMedical Research Council UK (MRC); Wellcome TrustWellcome Trust [210119/Z/18/Z]; European Research CouncilEuropean Research Council (ERC) [852558]; Wellcome Trust Investigator awardWellcome Trust [217223/Z/19/Z]; Vallee Foundation; Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of CanadaSocial Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) [SSHRC IG 435-2014-0075]; State Assignment of the Sobolev Institute of Geology and Mineralogy; ZIN RAS [AAA-A19119032590102-7]; Smithsonian's Peter Buck Postdoctoral Fellowship; AHRC [AH/J001406/1]; SNIC-UPPMAX [b2016004]; UOXF ARC facilityAustralian Research Council; Wolfson College (University of Oxford); ERCEuropean Research Council (ERC) [ERC-2013-StG-337574-UNDEAD]; Natural Environmental Research CouncilNERC Natural Environment Research Council [NE/K005243/1, NE/K003259/1]; NERC Radiocarbon Facility [NF/2016/2/4] Ancient genome sequencing was supported by SciLifeLab National Projects and the Erik Philip Sorensen Foundation (to P.S.). A.B., T.D., and P.S. were supported by the Francis Crick Institute core funding (FC001595) from Cancer Research UK, the UK Medical Research Council, and the Wellcome Trust. P.S. was also supported by the European Research Council (grant no. 852558), a Wellcome Trust Investigator award (217223/Z/19/Z) and the Vallee Foundation. R.J.L. was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (#SSHRC IG 435-2014-0075). Y.K. was supported by State Assignment of the Sobolev Institute of Geology and Mineralogy. M.S. was supported by ZIN RAS (state assignment no. AAA-A19119032590102-7). A.T.L. was supported by the Smithsonian's Peter Buck Postdoctoral Fellowship. Archaeological work in Serbia was supported by AHRC grant AH/J001406/1. Computations were supported by SNIC-UPPMAX (b2016004) and the UOXF ARC facility. L.F. was supported by the Wellcome Trust (grant 210119/Z/18/Z) and by Wolfson College (University of Oxford). G.L. was supported by the ERC (grant ERC-2013-StG-337574-UNDEAD). G.L. and K.D. were supported by the Natural Environmental Research Council (grants NE/K005243/1 and NE/K003259/1). Dating was supported by the NERC Radiocarbon Facility (NF/2016/2/4).

Yue et al. (2021) have proposed a model of two Upper Palaeolithic industries in Northeast China called the “Initial Microblade Industry” and the “Northern Microblade Industry”, with the latter originating from the former, and its spread to the neighbouring regions of Northeast Asia. We have found several inconsistencies in their factual data and methodology, and therefore the conclusions reached by Yue et al. (2021) cannot be accepted at face value. Using the most reliable evidence, the oldest true microblade assemblages are known from the Korean Peninsula. We suggest that this region is the more probable centre of diffusion of microblade technology in mainland Northeast Asia, including China and the Russian Far East.

For the first time, an obsidian provenance study is performed for artifacts from the Indigirka River basin (Northeast Siberia). The non-destructive ED–XRF analysis of seven obsidian items from the Buolumuna-Taasa site, dated to the Neolithic (ca. 5000–1000 cal BC), shows that all of them originated from the Lake Krasnoe source, situated ca. 1300 km away. This is a remarkable example of super-long-distance transport / exchange of obsidian in prehistory of Siberian Arctic, and it testifies in favor of extensive contacts of ancient population in Northeast Siberia since the Mesolithic, ca. 6900 cal BC, or even earlier.

The current status of research on colonization and early migration in the insular part of the Russian Far East is presented. Based on a critical evaluation of the latest data, it is concluded that the initial colonization of Sakhalin Island occurred at ca. 19,500 BP and possibly earlier, but no solid evidence has yet been found to determine this with more precision. The movement of people from neighboring Hokkaido (northern Japan) to Sakhalin continued throughout the Paleolithic–Neolithic since ca. 10,000 BP with the help of maritime transport. In the Middle–Late Neolithic, ca. 5200–4400 BP, migration from the adjacent mainland (via the lower reaches of the Amur River) to Sakhalin is detected. The southern part of the Kurile Archipelago was initially colonized from Hokkaido in the Early Jomon (i.e., Neolithic) at ca. 7200–7000 BP; the northern part was subsequently settled possibly as early as ca. 5300 BP. Active contacts between Hokkaido and the Kurile Islands continued throughout and after the J...

An updated analysis of Paleolithic sites in Siberia and the Urals 14C-dated to the coldest phase of the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM), with its timespan currently determined as ca. 23,000–19,000 BP (ca. 27, 300–22,900 cal BP), is presented. It is demonstrated that people continuously occupied the southern and central parts of Siberia and the Russian Far East (up to 58° N latitude), and perhaps sporadically settled regions located even further north, up to 70° N, throughout the LGM. This is in accord with our previous data, but is now based on a larger dataset, and also on a paleoecological analysis of the major pre-LGM archaeological sites in Siberia and the Urals north of 58° N. It is clear that Paleolithic people in northern Eurasia were able to cope with the treeless tundra environment well in advance of the LGM, at least at ca. 34,000–26,000 BP (ca. 38,500–30,000 cal BP). Therefore, a high degree of adaptation to cold conditions allowed people to survive in Siberia during the LGM.

New paleodietary data were obtained after the discovery and excavation in 2015–2017 of the Cherepakha 13 site in the southern part of Primorye (Maritime) Province in far eastern Russia. The site is located near the coast of Ussuri Bay (Sea of Japan) and belongs to the Yankovsky cultural complex of the Early Iron Age 14C-dated to ca. 3000 BP (ca. 1200 cal BC). The stable isotope composition of the bone collagen for 11 humans and 30 animals was determined. For humans, the following values (with±1 sigma) were yielded: δ13C=–10.2±0.8‰; and δ15N=+12.4±0.3‰. The majority of terrestrial animals show the usual isotopic signals: δ13C=–19.4 ÷ –23.3‰; and δ15N=+4.6÷+6.6‰ (for wolves, up to +10.1‰); dogs, however, have an isotopic composition similar to humans: δ13C= –11.7±1.2‰; and δ15N=+12.4±0.4‰. Marine mammals have common values for pinnipeds: δ13C=–13.7 ÷ –14.6‰; and δ15N=+17.4 ÷ +18.0‰. The main food resources for the population of Cherepakha 13 site were (1) marine mollusks, fish, and mammals; and (2) terrestrial mammals; and possibly C4 plants (domesticated millets).

Review of the book: E.M. Ineshin & A.V. Tetenkin (translated by P.N. Hommel & N. Reynolds). Humans and the environment in northern Baikal Siberia during the Late Pleistocene. 2017. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars; 978-1-4438-8277-4 £64.99. This book is about the Terminal Pleistocene archaeology of the Vitim River Basin, located between North Baikalsk and the Patomsk uplands. Hardly known outside of Russia, it is only briefly mentioned even in major summaries on the Upper Palaeolithic of eastern Siberia (Mochanov 2009; Pitul’ko & Pavlova 2016: 113–15). The release of the English translation of this volume, originally published in Russian in 2010, is therefore very welcome. The Foreword by J. Chlachula provides an introduction of this work for an international audience.

The Ekven Settlement: Eskimo Beginnings on the Asian Shore of Bering Strait. Edited by Yvon Csonka. BAR International Series 2624, Archaeopress, Oxford. 2014. ISBN 978-1-4073-1259-0 (Paperback £30....

The updated chronology of the earliest pottery-containing complexes in Siberia and the Russian Far East is presented herein. The appearance of pottery (i.e. the process of Neolithization) in this vast region of Eurasia is discussed based on a model that represents a simple approximation of calendar ages between key sites as isolines. No clear spatiotemporal patterns for the origin and spread of pottery in northern Asia can be observed because pottery-making (unlike agriculture) could have emerged in different parts of the Old World at various times. Before modeling of pottery dispersal is conducted, careful evaluation of typology and technology of ceramics and stone artifacts should be done, in order to avoid the confusing situation when the results of modeling contradict the basic archaeological information. DOI: 10.2458/56.16938

The corpus of radiocarbon dates run directly on Pleistocene-age human remains in Eurasia (∼120 values, with ∼80 of them found to be reliable) is analyzed and interpreted. The latest Neanderthals are dated to ∼34,000–30,500 BP (∼38,800–35,400 cal BP). They probably coexisted with the first modern humans at ∼36,200–30,200 BP (∼42,500–32,800 cal BP) in the western and central parts of Europe. The earliest direct14C dates on modern humans in Eurasia are ∼34,950–33,300 BP (∼40,400–37,800 cal BP). A paucity of14C dates corresponding to the LGM is evident for Europe, but Asia perhaps had larger populations during this timespan. The main criteria for the selection of bone/tooth material for direct14C dating as now widely accepted are (1) the collagen yield (generally, 1% or more) and (2) the C:N ratio (within the 2.9–3.4 range).

A critical evaluation of the existing data corpus on the earliest pottery in East Asia and its chronology as of early 2013 is presented here. Pottery in the Old World emerged in three regions within greater East Asia, namely South China, the Japanese Islands and the Russian Far East, at c. 14,800–13,300 bp (or c. 18,500–15,500 cal. bp). Most probably, pottery-making appeared in these places independently; no solid evidence exists about migrations and/or diffusion of this technology from a supposed single centre in South China. Because the Upper Palaeolithic humans in Eurasia were familiar with clay (as a raw material for making figurines), the most probable driving force for the origin of pottery was the necessity to produce in large amounts durable, light containers for the processing (including boiling) and storing of food.

Intriguing wooden objects, excavated (mostly unstratigraphically) from peat bogs in the Trans-Urals region of Russia, are here dated by AMS and found to belong to the Aeneolithic and Bronze Age. In spite of a long sojourn in museums, and conservation with various chemicals, the dates obtained were consistent and reliable.

Obsidian provenance studies, conducted in Northeast Asia over the last 40 years, give us solid evidence about human migrations and contacts in prehistory. Active exchange of raw material began at ca. 33,000–25,000 BP in both the mainland and insular parts of this region, and continued afterward. The scale of interaction between Stone Age people was quite large, with distances sometimes greater than 800–1000 km in later prehistory. Seafaring was most probably practiced since this time, as supported by the movement of obsidian across wide (20–40 km) open sea.

The current state-of-the-art of provenance studies for archaeological obsidian on Kamchatka Peninsula is presented. Prehistoric people widely used obsidian as a raw material for making tools, and acquired it from several primary sources. The exact position of seven sources allowed us to understand the general features of obsidian geochemistry and tectonic position of obsidian-bearing volcanic formations. This also made it possible to suggest the localization of seven still unknown sources for archaeological obsidian on Kamchatka. Verification of our preliminary conclusions can be made by fieldwork in selected areas.

The Khayrgas Cave in Yakutia (eastern Siberia) is one of the most important Upper Paleolithic sites in northern Asia, and has been the subject of extensive 14C dating and study of mammal bones. The upper part of the cave sequence (Layers 2–4) dates to the Holocene (~4100–8200 BP), and the lower part (Layers 5–7) to the Late Pleistocene (~13,100–21,500 BP). In Layers 2–4, only extant animal species are known; ecologically they belong to a forest-type ecosystem. In Layers 5–7, several extinct species were identified, and the environment at that time corresponded to open and semi-open ecosystems. The Khayrgas Cave provides rare but reliable evidence of human occupation in the deep continental region of eastern Siberia at the Last Glacial Maximum, ~20,700–21,500 BP.

Data on the emergence of pottery and agriculture in Eurasia were analyzed from the view of their spatiotemporal relationship. It was found that there are 2 major types of association between pottery and agriculture: 1) East Asian, with pottery as the main criterion of the Neolithization; and 2) Levantine, with agriculture as the phenomenon most closely related to the emergence of the Neolithic. Some regions of Eurasia have intermediate characteristics. The concept of a single area for pottery origin in eastern Eurasia and its subsequent spread to the west, still used by some scholars, is the revival of the old diffusionist paradigm and does not seem to advance the analysis of the Neolithization process. If the wheat/barley agriculture definitely originated in the Levantine “core” and spread toward Anatolia and central/western Europe, it is impossible to apply the same approach to pottery. The latest developments in chronology of the earliest ceramics in China, one of the key regions in the world in terms of the origin of pottery-making, are critically evaluated. DOI: 10.2458/azu_js_rc.55.16201

Issues related to the identification of Late Pleistocene dogs from different sites in Eurasia, triggered by recent publications (see Germonpre et al., 2009 , 2012 ; Ovodov et al., 2011 ), are discussed. The main focus is the problem of how to distinguish wolves from early dogs on the basis of skull and teeth morphology. The studies by Germonpre et al., 2009 , Germonpre et al., 2012 , reporting so-called ‘Palaeolithic dogs’ from Předmosti, Goyet, and other sites in Eastern and Central Europe, have some serious deficiencies. In our opinion, more work needs to be done to understand the biological mechanisms involved in wolf domestication and until then, it is premature to classify these Palaeolithic canids as fully domesticated dogs or even incipient dogs.

Carbonised textiles were found in a burnt down building inside a cave 30km from the far eastern coast of Russia. The textiles were made from untwisted or hand-twisted blades of sedge grass to form ropes, nets and woven mats. Dated by AMS toc. 9400–8400 cal BP these are the earliest textiles so far known from East Asia.

The geochemical compositions for obsidian from two of the most important sources on the Japanese island of Hokkaido, Shirataki and Oketo, are presented. This work represents the first systematic study of obsidian geochemistry on Hokkaido from the view of modern methodological standards. The study was performed with the help of neutron activation analysis to determine the concentrations for 28 elements. The results obtained allow us to subdivide both sources into two geochemical groups (Shirataki-A and -B; and Oketo-A and -B), with each representing an individual sub-source. Obsidian from both Shirataki and Oketo sources is identified at archaeological sites located on Hokkaido, on the neighbouring Sakhalin Island and Kurile Islands, and in the lower course of the Amur River basin. The distance of obsidian transport during the Upper Palaeolithic was up to ∼250 km, and in the following Neolithic and Palaeometal periods up to ∼1200 km. This testifies to the wide distribution of Hokkaido obsidian to archaeological complexes in North-East Asia and its active transport/exchange in prehistory. The data presented here should be used as a reference for the obsidian geochemistry of Shirataki and Oketo sources from now on.

In this article we present a review of the archaeology and chronology of the Neolithic (i.e., pottery-bearing) cultural complexes of the Kurile Islands. Previous studies revealed only general patterns of Neolithic pottery and lithic typologies in the archipelago within a tentative chronological framework. However, recent research has now firmly established an occupation of the southern part of the Kurile Islands dating to as early as ca. 7000 BP. Based on preliminary investigations it appears that major economic activities focused on hunting, fishing (with possible exploitation of coastal fishes), and the gathering of plants. Interestingly, there is as of yet no solid evidence for the widespread use of marine resources (shellfish and mammals) in the Kuriles during the Neolithic, though this issue requires further research due to a dearth of properly excavated sites. Several potentially important sites are also suggested for continuing investigation of Neolithic archaeology in the Kurile Islands w...

The paper presents the first paleontological data (pollen, plant macrofossil, diatom and ostracod) on the sediments of Lake Beloye, which is situated in the forest-steppe zone of Western Siberia. Our study contributes to better understanding of the Middle–Late Holocene regional to local environmental changes. Regionally, we recognized a cold stage of 3.4–2.3 calibrated ka BP and a dry stage of 2.8–1.7 ka BP. The dry stage coincides with the climate-driven lowered level of the lake at 2.6–1.5 ka BP. Later, the climate changed to warmer and wetter, which resulted in a highest stand of the lake at 1.3–0.2 ka BP and was followed by the lowering of the lake. Forest-steppe persisted in this area during the whole period under consideration, but probably shifted southward. Such a shift is reflected in the environment around Lake Beloye similar to that of modern taiga, which existed at 3.2–1.3 ka BP, however, compared to the colder and wetter climate of taiga, the conditions were colder and drier. The local plant associations and the lake ecosystem were affected by those events of climate and lake level changes. The initial eutrophic sedge-reed swamp evolved to the oligo-mesotrophic sphagnum bog, which existed around the lake at 3.2–1.3 ka BP. Later, the bogging process was interrupted by the lake transgression, after which the dried bog around the lake was occupied by the birch forest. The lake ecosystem was strongly affected by the 3.4 ka BP climate change: the low-alkaline eutrophic lake with abundant water higher plants and diatoms changed to the alkaline oligotrophic lake with calcium-fixing macrophytic algae and angiosperms. This resulted in total change of lake's bio-geochemical and sedimentation patterns.

The sources of high quality volcanic glass (obsidian) forarchaeologicalcomplexes in the Amur River basin of the Russian Far East have been established, based on geochemical analyses by neutron activation and X-ray fluorescenceofboth‘geological’(primarysources)and‘archaeological’(artifactsfromtheNeolithicandEarly Iron Age cultural complexes) specimens. A majorobsidian source identified as the Obluchie Plateau, located in the middle course of the Amur River, was found to be responsible for supplying the entire middle and lowerpartsoftheAmurRiverbasinduringprehistory.Thesourcehasbeencarefullystudiedandsampledfor the first time. Minor use of three other sources was established for the lower part of the Amur River basin. Obsidian from the Basaltic Plateau source, located in the neighboring Primorye (Maritime) Province, was found at two sites of the Initial Neolithic (dated to ca.11,000e12,500 BP). At two other sites from the same timeperiod, obsidian fromastillunknown sourcecalled“Samarga”wasestablished.At theSuchuIslandsite oftheEarlyNeolithic(datedtoca.7200e8600BP),obsidianfromthe‘remote’sourceofShirataki(Shirataki-A sub-source) on Hokkaido Island (Japan) was identified. The range of obsidian transport in the Amur River basinwas from 50 to 750 kmwithin the basin, and from 550 to 850 km in relation to the ‘remote’ sources at the Basaltic Plateau and Shirataki-A located outside the Amur River valley. The long-distance transport/ exchange of obsidian in the Amur River basin in prehistory has now been securely established.

The human–environment interaction in the southern part of the Russian Far East is considered, based on current archaeological, chronological, palaeoenvironmental, zooarchaeological, and archaeobotanical data. The major branches of the economy and its dynamics throughout the final Late Pleistocene and the Holocene are reconstructed on the basis of primary indicators (animal and plant remains from cultural complexes). The main stages in the process of human–environment interaction are distinguished, with principal boundaries at ca. 4500 BP (appearance of hoed agriculture), ca. 3000 BP (beginning of animal breeding), and ca. 1500 BP (emergence of plough agriculture and intensive cattle breeding). In some regions, such as Sakhalin Island and the Kurile Islands, communities of hunter-fisher-gatherers continued to exist for a long time, up to the 17–18th centuries AD. The relationship between cultural (maritime adaptation and agriculture) and natural (climatic coolings and warmings, and sea level changes) processes was not direct, and the palaeoeconomy in the Russian Far East was not environmental-driven; migrations and exchange played a certain role in the introduction of productive economy. The history of human–environment interaction in the region under study is closely related to more general features of this process in greater East Asia.

The palaeontological data on mammal remains from two Middle Palaeolithic (ca. 125 000 years ago – 27 200 BP) and 34 (ca. 34 000–12 000 BP) Upper Palaeolithic cultural complexes in the upper part of the Yenisei River basin (southern Siberia) are considered. General features of the faunal assemblages are established. Several issues are discussed, including (a) changes in species composition through time and palaeoenvironmental implications of the zooarchaeological records; (b) patterns of human exploitation (hunting) of mammals; (c) issue of mammoth hunting and (d) possibility of domestication of dog in the late Upper Palaeolithic in the Yenisei River basin. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Based on archaeological materials recovered from stratified sites in the Khangai Mountains and the Gobi Altai regions and new radiocarbon dates for the Tolbor-4 and 15 localities, a tripartite chronological subdivision of the Mongolian Upper Paleolithic is suggested. The first period is the Early Upper Paleolithic (40–26 ka BP). Sites dating to this period have been discovered both in the Khangai and the Gobi Altai regions. The second period began around 25 ka BP, but its terminal date is unknown. Sites of this period are located in the Orkhon Valley. The third period is co-terminus with the end of the Upper Paleolithic and is represented by Horizons 3 and 4 at the Tolbor-15 locality in the middle Selenge Valley.

The Russian Far East has always been considered one of the possible routes for Upper Paleolithic humans to migrate from North and East Asia to North America (e.g., Erlandson et al. 2007). Although ...

Pottery tempered with rice chaff from the early Iron Age cemetery of Ban Non Wat site, northeast Thailand, has been subjected to direct AMS 14 C dating, using low temperature combustion with oxygen as originally developed by authors. The carbon yield (0.2–0.5%) testifies the suitability of this pottery for dating. However, not all the results are in agreement with expected archaeological ages and other 14 C dates from the studied site and neighboring site of Noen U-Loke. This calls for a thorough analysis and interpretation of pottery temper dates from the region.