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Copyright of Desenvolvimento e Meio Ambiente is the property of Universidade Federal do Parana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Avances is the property of Instituto de Informacion Cientifica y Tecnologica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: Public governance and governance only materialize when state actors represented by the Executive, Legislative and Judiciary branches compact with the same ideas, processes and legal norms to meet the interests of the collective. Thus, the research seeks to investigate the challenges that the Executive Branch of Olinda faces, under the concept of governance and governance. Design/methodology/approach: The methodology used in the research was qualitative and structured interviews were conducted with political actors and municipal managers of Olinda. Research, Practical & Social implications: The interviewees' discourses reveal that the financial resources for the establishment of public policies result from the articulation between political actors of legislative houses of the municipal, state and federal levels. Thus, the articulation with public and private institutions helps in the construction of social relations to meet municipal social needs. Originality/value: It is concluded that the establishment of public policies in the municipality of Olinda results from the strict attendance of the mayor's government plan, compliance with the Multiannual Plan, the guarantee of social rights and through public management instruments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Espirales Revista Multidisciplinaria de Investigación is the property of Grupo Compas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Resumen: El modelo constitucional español expresa una apuesta por la gobernabilidad que nace del contexto histórico propio del parlamentarismo racionalizado y se fundamenta sobre un sistema electoral establecido desde 1977. Sin embargo tanto la configuración orgánica del ejecutivo como la puesta en práctica de la función de gobierno han tenido un desarrollo bastante limitado en la práctica, y algunas tareas centrales como la orientación estratégica, la programación de políticas públicas o la coordinación general del sistema se han reducido a puras inercias. Abstract: The Spanish constitutional model express a commitment to gobernability that is born from the historical context of «rationalized parlamentarism» and is based on an electoral system established since 1977. However, both the organic configuration of the executive and the implementation of the function of governing have had a rather limited development in practice, while some central tasks such as strategic orientation, public policy programing and overall system coordination, have been reduced to pure inertia. Summary: 1. Introduction. 2. Government and governability: the starting point. 3. The function of government as a political function. 4. Government and governance: unfulfilled challenges. 5. A mediocre balance and its advantages. 6. Perspectives of historical change. 7. Final considerations.

Copyright of Revista Espacios is the property of Talleres de Impresos Oma and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Iberoamericana de Educación (Version impresa) is the property of Organizacion de Estados Iberoamericanos (OEI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article seeks to study the congestion of the city of Cali. For this a transdisciplinary analysis of the historical development of the municipality is exposed in a context of long duration, to later derive in the ordering plans of the 21st century, and to present the current traffic problem. In this historical context, urban plans, programs, and projects have tried within the framework of territorial public policies to define a city model. However, the evidence shows in Cali there is no articulation between the territorial policies of the twentieth century and the way the city government conceived it for the 21st century. Therefore, regarding this territorial discontinuity development, the chaos of vehicular congestion is shocking, which in turn translates into serious problems of institutional ungovernability, as the present study suggests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios de Derecho is the property of Estudios de Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article focuses on the dioxin problem of Baltic herring and salmon fisheries and its governance that is based on natural scientific knowledge. The dioxin problem weakens the perceived quality of Baltic salmon and herring as food and affects the way the catches can be used. This influences negatively the fishing livelihood, the coastal culture, and the availability of the fish for consumers. We explored how the governance of the dioxin problem could be improved, to better address its socio-economic and cultural implications. We identified four main actions: (1) adopt environmental, economic and social sustainability, and food security and safety as shared principles between the environmental, food safety/public health, and fisheries policies, (2) establish collaboration between the environmental, public health, and fisheries sectors at the regional level, (3) enhance interaction around the dioxin problem within the fisheries sector, and (4) support the participation of the Baltic fisheries stakeholders in the EU-level food safety governance. Viewing dioxins in fish not only as a natural scientific problem but as a multidimensional one would enable a wider toolbox of governing instruments to be developed to better address the different dimensions. This would support steps towards collaborative governance and a food system approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Teoría y Praxis is the property of Editorial Universidad Don Bosco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Colombia in the last twenty years witnessed the realization of three peacebuilding attempts: two failed, one of these in a scenario of conflict under win-lose logic; and a successful peace process in its formulation, but awaiting results in its implementation. Due to this, it is important to analyze comparatively the actions regarding the resolution of armed conflicts by the government in the period between 1998 and 2017. For the realization of this analysis, it is pertinent to observe the actions of the governments of Andrés Pastrana Arango (1998-2002), Álvaro Uribe Vélez (2002-2010) and Juan Manuel Santos Calderón (2010-2018) from the perspective of three concepts: governance, governability, and conflict. This will let to know their contributions and their real impact in the construction of a stable and lasting peace. It starts with the conceptualization of the conflict from Weber, to know the approach from which the problems were addressed. Likewise, in the theoretical field we opted for an approach from the historical institutionalism to the construction of peace in Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the debate on governance in city regions, the role of the state is currently an open question. Drawing on our own and secondary research on governance of large city regions across the world, we argue that nation-states (in unitary systems) and federate states (in federalist systems) are crucial protagonists of governance in megacities - defined as city regions of 10 million or more. Megacity governance thus provides a stark contrast to the prominent narrative of a retreating state conveyed in some of the new regionalist literature. It is concluded that megacities are a category of urban settlements in which the state is not withering away but continues to play a leading role in addressing urban policy problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nowadays, the terms governability and governance are in constant use. Their significance is due the fact that they are used by the World Bank to assess states' ability to govern. This routine tries or pretends to ignore that there is a body of theories, a currently widely spread doctrine underlying such terms - neo-institutionalism. The assessment performed by the World Bank is in tune with changes made by globalization and the new dynamic of capitalism worldwide. In view of this reality, this paper is aimed at examining theoretical bases of neo-institutionalism, which theoretically support that assessment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local governments are units of government closest to the grassroots, with responsibility not only for institutionalising local governance by creating an enabling environment to promote democratic values and public participation in decision-making, but also for accelerating social and economic development in order to enhance the quality and prosperity of community life. These fundamental aspects of their responsibility constitute core goals in most governmental systems. In Nepal, however, as in many other countries, the goals are only partially pursued and met, despite relevant institutional arrangements having been put in place. Accordingly, as highlighted in the discussion, there is much still to be done to ensure local governments have the requisite capacity to design and deliver services and infrastructure of immediate local significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The New public management paradigm was diffused in Brazil as a multiplicity of practices in search of the increase of efficiency, efficacy and effectiveness in the public sector's actions. Nevertheless, as administrative reforms advanced their goals towards the substantive concept of effectiveness, they have been embedded in a broader context of public governance. The present work seeks to analyze the possible inherent tensions between public governance and governability and its implications for the implementation of 3rd generation administrative reforms, based on the study of Management for Citizenship in Minas Gerais state government, from 2011 to 2014. For this purpose, the paper performs a documentary analysis, as well as the analysis of institutional databases. In general, several potential conflicts are presented, particularly in the setting of clear government priorities, in the promotion of intragovernmental consensus and cooperation, and in the use of social participation mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Derecho Politico is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In order to contribute to the construction of a lasting peace, it is necessary to give continuity to governmental processes represented by the real players themselves, who have to constitute the new territories, and democratically, from the national government, to establish clear rules in their occupation. So that possible actions as scenarios are projected as the result of the incorporation of Instruments and Tools for Land Planning and Management, among others, which becomes a challenge in the urban-rural articulation, which takes place through the Units of Planning and Territorial Management (UPGT). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on an interactive governance framework, this article provides a critical analysis of the governing system (GS) of Sami reindeer husbandry in Sweden, an indigenous natural resource-based livelihood. Situated against a historical contextualization, and focusing on the relationship between governing images, instruments and action, the study explores how reindeer husbandry is currently governed and how governing has changed over time. In contrast to well-established narratives of increased participation and indigenous peoples’ right to self-determination, this study demonstrates that the governing of Sami reindeer husbandry remains mainly hierarchical and is characterized by inconsistencies. The GS’s elements are poorly fitted internally, there are large differences in understanding between key actors and, over time, only marginal change – in governing structures and meta-images – has occurred. Thus, reindeer husbandry actors appear to be locked out of essential governing functions and locked into a system that is proving hard to change. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The territorial environmental stakes believes in an exponential way for a decade. The political decision-makers seize this sphere of influence and facilitate actions which promote the sustainable project. The Paris Region chooses to base its territorial development partially on the "greening urban" ideology. This Region operates actions to become the first European Ecoregion by half-dozen years. It facilitates agro-environmental decisions. One of the pillars of this territorial development is organic farming. To create a dynamics of local democracy, the Paris Region establishes participative governance based on debates, on Round Tables and public reports. This paper suggests analyzing the means used to create participative dynamics in the town and country planning, in the territorial management. This "governmentality" of the organic farming strengthens the plan of suburban farming to interest the urban voters.

En América Latina ha crecido la preocupación por la corrupción y, de manera especial, por encontrar fórmulas institucionales que permitan combatirla. La corrupción ha sido considerada como un importante obstáculo al desarrollo económico, un impedimento para la erradicación de la pobreza y el principal motivo de pérdida de legitimidad gubernamental, por tanto, una amenaza para la democracia. Dentro de las políticas públicas que se han planteado en la región para el control de la corrupción, la participación de los ciudadanos se ha convertido en un elemento indispensable, el cual, en términos generales, se encuentra inserto dentro de una lógica de acción pública que en años recientes asumió la denominación de gobernanza, esto es, la necesidad de comprender el gobierno como un proceso y no como un sujeto directivo, lo cual implica una multiplicidad de actores y de centros de decisión difusos. En este sentido, en el texto se plantean las formas en que los ciudadanos pueden participar en las políticas públicas que buscan luchar contra la corrupción bajo la perspectiva de la nueva gestión pública y la nueva gobernanza democrática.In the past fifteen years has been growing concern about corruption and, especially, to find ways that allow reduce it. In Latin America, corruption has been considered a major obstacle to economic development, an impediment to poverty eradication and the main reason for the loss of governmental legitimacy, therefore, a threat to democracy. Within public policies to control corruption that have arisen in the region, citizen participation has become an essential element that, generally, is into a logic of public action that in recent years assumed the name of governance, referred to the need to understand the government as a process rather than as an individual manager, hence it brings multiplicity of actors and decision-making centers, The text show possible ways of citizen participation in the public policies to combat corruption under two approaches: the New Public Management and the New Democratic Governance.

This article examines the reasons why Spain which possesses a consolidated democratic regime continues to promote democracy and even good governance in certain countries in such an uncertain, ambiguous manner. Recent events, such as the impact of international terrorism, have meant that there is an even more urgent need for providing democratic assistance to the neighbouring countries of the Maghreb region. In spite of its initial limitations and slants,the very concept of governance would represent a non-intrusive promotion of democracy. Nevertheless, Spain’s actors in the field of foreign policy and cooperation with development (as the case of Algeria illustrates perfectly) have been clearly reluctant to commit themselves to this course of action. Spain’s patent energy dependence on Algeria (a fact that is often put forward as the main explanatory reason) is called into question, with an argument based not only on the evidence of Spanish action in other countries in regions (such as Tunisia and Latin America), but also in an analysis of the discourses and instruments of Spanish foreign policy. As an alternative explanation, it is suggested that practices that have long been used in Spain’s “Arab” foreign policy, the pending reform of the external service, the Europeisation of external action and the “second-player syndrome” (i.e. second to France), provide a better explanation ofSpain’s ambiguousness and of its slow abandonment of policies that favour the status quo.

Copyright of Sistema is the property of Asociacion de Revistas Culturales de Espana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Secuencia: Revista de Historia y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones - Dr. Jose M. Luis Mora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is a theoretical work and seeks to relate the concept of governance with the structural problems of governability that affect the modern state. The crisis of governability, considered in its broader sociological significance as structural dependence of the state of social dynamics that cannot be controlled by formal political power, is taken as the social reference from which the notion of governance will be developed. The central thesis is that this notion, as well as the various meanings associated with it, is constitutively bound to the pretensions and attempts to regulate the informal power relationships that are established between the state and civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is the western liberal model of democracy adequate to analyze the new political regimes of the Third Wave of Democracy? After reviewing the recent literatures on democratization and economic reform, I refer to their signifying concepts, namely, governability, governance and democracy, as well as to their implicit normative biases. I give especial attention to the concept of democracy as used by those literatures, based on the so-called procedural minimum (Schumpeter/Dahl). Considered too minimum by leading authors, this definition has been expanded to include "precising" attributes. Rather than augmenting even further Dahl?s list, I here propose to include in the regime change investigation the characteristics of the decision-making process, as an analytical tool to characterize the new political systems on their own terms. I claim that this approach better exams the more or less democratic character of the building regimes in the period between elections, bringing to the fore the question of vertical accountability of the bureaucracies, issue unsatisfactorily treated by democracy theorists. The policy process approach allows as well for the identification of different types of democracy which differently combine characteristics of decision-making. Finally, with reference to the Brazilian case, I consider the type of political regime the emerging countries are able or willing to build, offering some working hypotheses to analyze them.

Copyright of Revista Venezolana de Gerencia (RVG) is the property of Revista de Filosofia-Universidad del Zulia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Equidad y Desarrollo is the property of Equidad y Desarrollo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Economía, Sociedad y Territorio is the property of El Colegio Mexiquense and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Without regulation, mining produces a more dangerous tragedy in the environment and in society. This article shows how mining demands measures to improve local governability and governance to ensure that the implementation of national public policies could lead to a less dangerous mining operation. Emphasizing on governability and governance, the article introduces Elinor Ostrom's institutional analysis and development model - iad- as a tool for assessment and diagnosis to define the necessary adjustments in the mining policy in order to improve the regulation of this sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bordón: Journal of Education / Revista de Pedagogía is the property of Sociedad Espanola de Pedagogia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociologie & Sociétés is the property of Presses de l'Universite de Montreal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explain the evolution of the system of public governance in Hong Kong, the various public sector reforms undertaken over the past two to three decades, and the present quagmire in governance resulting in a looming crisis in public trust and governability. Design/methodology/approach – The research for the paper is based on opinion polls conducted by the University of Hong Kong Public Opinion Programme, and the findings of government reports, international organizations, official documents of the Hong Kong government, surveys by international and domestic organizations, and media reports. Findings – The paper shows that the present political configuration of governance in Hong Kong had largely thrived on the pre-1997 colonial logic of administrative state and government by bureaucracy. Such a system has now become hard to sustain due to rising political distrust and cynicism caused partly by the democratic deficit and the absence of the politics of responsibility. Hong Kong was a pioneer of public sector reforms in the 1980s and 1990s, but such reforms – grounded in the NPM (new public management) logic of management efficiency – no longer suffice to cope with the growing crisis of governability. It is argued that rebuilding trust and governability should be put at the forefront of the governance reform agenda. Originality/value – The value of the paper is to show that despite good external ratings, the domestic perceptions of the performance of governance might be very different due to internal social and political problems. Administrative and management reforms merely copying external models, without touching on the fundamental and structural issues, are unlikely to forge a common sense of purpose and identity that is needed for sustainable governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]