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In Canada, im/migrant sex workers face stigma, health access barriers, and overlapping marginalisation, with end-demand law reforms in 2014 postulated to exacerbate these inequities. Yet, little quantitative evidence on how immigration status shapes HIV/STI risk exists. Drawing on community-based longitudinal cohort data (AESHA, 2010–2018), we used multivariable confounder models with logistic regression to model (1) the independent effect of precarious immigration status (any status revocable under criminal charges: permanent residency/temporary residency/undocumented) on client condom refusal, and (2) the moderating effect of precarious status on the relationship between condom refusal and exposure to end-demand law reform (2015–2018). Over this 8-year study involving 758 sex workers in Metro Vancouver, 16.0% were im/migrants, of whom 57% had precarious immigration status at baseline. 16.5% of participants experienced client condom refusal. Precarious immigration was associated with increased odds of facing condom refusal (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] 2.53, 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.37–4.68), and these odds were heightened post-end-demand law reforms (AOR 4.35, 95%CI 1.21–15.66). Our findings suggest that lack of citizenship rights may enhance barriers to safer sex negotiation and increase HIV/STI risk among sex workers, highlighting the need for sex work and immigration policy reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relationship between Canada, one of the world's leading immigration countries and a country that often serves as an international 'poster child' for well managed migration, and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), an intergovernmental organisation that provides migration-related services for Canada and many other countries. Despite growing awareness about the role of the IOM in migration politics, a research gap remains regarding how states cogitate and evaluate their partnership with the IOM. This article draws on publicly available government evaluations, conducted by Citizenship and Immigration Canada, which speak to the strongly inter-dependent, but also highly ambivalent reality of collaboration between Canada and the IOM. In exploring and discussing the nature of this relationship, the article also speaks to the particularities of 'migration management' and the larger transformations in global migration governance reflected in Canada's partnership with the IOM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to the rise in terrorism after the turn of the millennium, multiculturalist countries such as Australia, Britain and Canada introduced policies that make it easier to revoke the citizenships of dual nationals. These policies primarily target naturalized immigrants and their descendants. Ongoing debates indicate that more countries plan to follow suit. Some scholars argue that easy revocation policies create two-tiered political communities, where one group of citizens have a stronger status security than the other. This study builds on their perspectives, and argues that majority members should be more likely to hold anti-immigrant attitudes in countries where state policies discriminate against citizens in terms of status security. To test this hypothesis, this study employs multilevel regression analysis. Data come from European Values Study (2008), European Social Survey (2014), and Eurobarometer (2015), and cover thirty European countries. Findings offer support for the proposed hypothesis. In countries where immigrants have low status security, majority members are more likely to have negative attitudes toward immigrants. The results hold not only for immigrants in general but also for Muslim immigrants in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many Japanese people, the 49th parallel was only a line on a map, yet there were differences for the Japanese residents in the United States and Canada. The two nations had different concepts of citizenship and constitutions but, in what has been called “hemispheric orientalism,” prejudice knew no border. Both countries severely restricted immigration from Japan. In the United States, immigrants, the Issei, were aliens ineligible for citizenship. Thus, states could deny their access to commercial fishing and the right to own or lease land. Because the American constitution bestows full citizenship on the native-born, their American-born children, the Nisei, could vote and acquire land, but experienced discrimination especially in employment. On paper, the Canadian Issei had more civil rights since they could become naturalized but this provided few advantages apart from the rights to own land and to fish commercially. The Canadian Nisei had no more rights than their parents. In British Columbia, where 95 percent of the Japanese lived, they could not vote and provincial laws and customs denied their access to many occupations. During the Second World War, both nations required all the Nikkei to leave the Pacific Coast, incarcerated some, severely restricted the mobility of others, and proposed to “repatriate” many of them to Japan. Drawing mainly on the previous scholarship which has examined specific themes, time periods, or comparisons, this article offers an overview of how between the 1890s and the 1940s the effects of prejudice varied more in detail and timing than in principle even though formal consultation between the two nations was sporadic. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores current issues in English as a Second Language (ESL[1]) policies and programs for adult immigrants in Canada from a critical multiculturalism perspective. In the context of Canadian policies on immigration, bilingualism, and multiculturalism, the paper first provides an overview of language education in Canada historically. Current trends and issues in language programs for adult immigrants are then explored by examining discourses of integration at the level of both policy and practice, by looking at problems of teaching Canadian values, and by critiquing the emphasis on employability in language programs. Implications for language education for adult immigrants are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the production of temporariness in Canada, and its implications for the citizenship rights of migrants. It investigates the production of temporariness within three policy fields that are typically not examined together – security, work and settlement. Within these three fields, it considers public policies concerning: (1) security of presence; (2) access to paid employment for spouses of migrants; and (3) eligibility for settlement services. It argues that temporariness is being institutionalized in new ways, producing a hierarchy of categories of migrants ranging from the temporarily temporary to the permanently temporary and temporarily permanent, shaped by entry category, legal residency status and socially recognized skills. The paper advances a multidimensional conception of temporariness, and contends that the temporary-permanent divide is constructed through the enforcement of different entry categories and forms of legal residency status, which create ‘paper borders’ that are made up of the increasing number and range of restrictions, limits and containments regarding legal residency status, access to employment and settlement services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the puzzle of diverging trajectories of immigrant citizenship in the United States and Canada to build a new approach to the study of citizenship and political incorporation. I consider three existing models of citizenship: an approach that considers citizenship adoption as the product of cost/benefit calculations; an approach that understands individuals and groups to be differentially endowed with the skills, resources and interests necessary to acquire citizenship; and an approach that believes countries adopt citizenship regimes which either include or shut out immigrants. I then offer an alternative model of structured mobilization which views political incorporation as a social process of mobilization by friends, family, community organizations and local leaders that is embedded in an institutional context shaped by government policies of diversity and newcomer settlement. The material and symbolic resources provided by government shape the ability and interest of "social helpers" to assist with and mobilize around citizenship. The article concludes by considering the implications of structured mobilization for various debates in immigration and political sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses dual nationality and its policy implications. It describes Discover Canada study guide, which mentions that present-day Canada welcomes migrants as one of its own for it owes its existence to early settlers in 18th-20th centuries. It outlines a proposal to consider a charter to impart citizenship with an unambiguous commitment to Canada and to its primacy.