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This article enquires into the connections between gender and discourses of the nuclear weapons state. Specifically, we develop an analysis of the ways in which gender operates in the White Paper published by the UK government in 2006 on its plans to renew Trident nuclear weapons (given the go-ahead by the Westminster Parliament in March 2007). We argue that the White Paper mobilizes masculine-coded language and symbols in several ways: firstly, in its mobilization of techno-strategic rationality and axioms; secondly, in its assumptions about security; and, thirdly, in its assumptions about the state as actor. Taken together, these function to construct a masculinized identity for the British nuclear state as a “responsible steward.” However, this identity is one that is not yet securely fixed and that, indeed, contains serious internal tensions that opponents of Trident (and of the nuclear state more generally) should be able to exploit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2000 the Howard government formed a consultative committee to review defence policy and gauge public opinion on defence issues. It concentrated on the impact of budgetary stringency and dramatic strategic change and supported increased defence spending on equipment to cater for high-level threats. Was there a thorough review? Inconsistencies occurred in the reports developed from the review and statements made by senior policy-makers while it was being conducted. The way the review was undertaken points to conceptual tensions in Australia's strategic culture and serious problems with entrenched interests in the services. Unless these challenges are addressed, a thorough review of defence policy cannot be undertaken. The review process itself needs to be reviewed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis in the 2013 White Paper of international defence engagement highlights the important co-operative activities that Australian Defence Force personnel and Defence officials conduct in, and with, other countries. These activities can create vital synergies for Australia, but their benefits should be neither assumed nor overstated. In particular, they need to be assessed in the broader context of the White Paper's narrative, which is focused primarily on a rationalisation of the gap between the ends and means of defence policy. In that context, the role of Australia's international defence engagement risks being portrayed disproportionately. In the most critical dimension of such engagement, the alliance relationship with the United States, Australia's capacity for burden-sharing and value-adding is diminishing, not expanding. In other forms of international defence engagement, the White Paper's emphases seem designed to compensate for budgetary shortfalls and other deficiencies elsewhere in the policy narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a study on the policies, content and the readers of the two Philippine national broadsheets, Philippine Daily Inquirer and Manila Bulletin towards U. S. military bases. It states that several researchers surveys the paper's readers to find out whether their attitudes toward issues fall together with those papers. It mentions that the studies shows that owners maintain the pressure on newspapers by initial direction-setting and continued tolerance of specific actions. It tells that the study reveals that the readers of the said newspapers have consistent attitude towards their primary newspaper's treatment of the U. S. bases issue that successively coherent with the newspaper's policies.

While much scholarship takes austerity-driven spending cuts as evidence of policy change, this paper shifts the focus to interrogate whether these budgetary cuts lead to actual policy change and if so how. Scholarships on institutional change and public policy illuminate how state actors mediate policy change through coping strategies, i.e. strategies by which state actors try to minimize budget decreases' negative impacts on policy. Taking French Defense Policy as an unlikely case of policy change, we show that state actors have adopted three types of coping strategies to minimize the spending cuts' impact: compensation, delaying, and re-categorizing acquisition procedures. These coping strategies have however contributed to a process of incremental change, which most of time is non-cumulative and creates additional policy problems. This article contributes to a better understanding of change underway in defense policies, but also more generally to literatures pertaining to austerity and policy change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems (LAWS) are being developed by major countries as a core value of future war. The international community is actively discussing the legal issues and regulatory methods of LAWS at the Group of Government Experts (GGE) meetings hosted by the Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW). The main purpose of the first part of this paper is to compare and analyze countries' positions on each issue at the above GGE. At the GGE, there are contrasting stances between those supporting and opposing strict regulations on LAWS. A consensus was not reached on the definition of LAWS and the necessity to create a new treaty that regulates LAWS. However, most countries and NGOs are trying to find a methodology for autonomous weapons to comply with international humanitarian law through "human elements." It is difficult to expect the creation of a new treaty, so the recent GGE has emphasized the solution through Article 36 of Additional Protocol I. Based on the discussions at the GGE, the second part of this paper will examine the proper policy direction that South Korea can set for LAWS. The issues and trends discussed in the GGE need to be fully understood by government policy makers and defense industry experts. In addition, in order to clarify the implementation of Article 36, it is possible to use a method to prepare regulations in domestic laws or codes of conduct to test compliance with international laws on new weapons including LAWS. As to whether or not to create the new treaty, diplomatic channels can carefully consider options for participating in Europeanled political declarations. Finally, an accurate understanding of the U.S. position on LAWS regulations is needed, and government-led research and development can play an important role in promoting international solidarity among allies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to critically examine the youth narratives of Mr Leung Chun-ying, the Chief Executive (CE) of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) Government between 2012 and 2017, which steered the directions of youth policies in Hong Kong.Design/methodology/approach Informed by the ideational school of institutionalism, a qualitative documentary study was conducted to analyse the policy addresses, speeches, and blog posts delivered by the then CE, which were all available on the website of the HKSAR Government. It was through a thematic analysis of the database that themes and sub-themes were generated for the discussion. Representative verbatim quotes are used for illustrating some of the youth policy ideas and discourses promoted under the Leung’s regime.Findings The findings suggest that the governing youth narratives could be categorised into two interrelated themes: behavioural patriotism and economic opportunism. The notions of youth development constructed in the narratives of Leung shape the definition of youth-related problems and solutions in relation to national identity and global competition.Research limitations/implications This study focusses on the previous term of HKSAR Government that cannot fully reveal the extent of policy continuities and changes. Yet, it could outline the overall picture and address the shortcomings of Hong Kong’s current youth policies viewed from both normative and cognitive perspectives. Methodological and analytical implications can be drawn for further studies on policy ideas and discourses.Originality/value The paper has two major contributions; the first of which is the illustration of an analytical framework connecting contents, tools, and justification of policies for capturing the dynamics and complexities of youth policies. Second, the findings of this study develop a critical understanding of neoliberal youth policies in both economic and moral senses that pose new challenges to young people and policy makers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the defense policy literature, it is widely believed that there is a pronounced bias towards the procurement of a less than optimal number of excessively sophisticated weapons. In this paper, we consider the possibility that this perceived bias is the result of the timing and informational structure of defense procurement decisions, and the interrelationship of this structure with overall fiscal policy. Specifically, this paper presents a model that suggests that tax smoothing considerations of the type first articulated in Barro (1979) could lead social welfare maximizing decision makers to choose a higher level of weapon quality than would be optimal if government revenue could be raised without resort to distortionary taxation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public policy permeates the legal principles of a state and its ruling government. The justification of public policy is topical to the ethics and canons acknowledged by that state. These values are determined by the applicable political, social, economic, religious, and legal systems, which differ among states. As public policy usually best illuminates the broad area of government laws, regulations, provincial ordinances, and court decisions, the standards creating public policy alter as states develop. The motif of public policy is critical when the question of enforcement of arbitral awards suffice. There is no definite meaning of the term in the famous Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards (New York Arbitration Convention) to enforce foreign arbitral awards. Hence, this paper explores and traces some contemporary trends in defense of public policy as an exception to the enforcement of arbitral awards worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows that the focus of Australia's 'declared' defence policy has oscillated between local and regional defence, whereas its 'operational' policy—the views contained in internal planning and guidance documents—has taken a mid-course, focusing on defending Australia's northern approaches. Australia's two policy domains coincided briefly in the mid-1980s but have since diverged as we have again begun to emphasise regional defence. This shift could signal the end of 'defence self-reliance'. While representing a setback for the Hawke government, such a result is necessary as Australia's 'operational' policy is flawed and in need of replacement. The danger is that, as in the past. Australian governments and their advisers will continue to adjust their rhetoric rather than their real policies to our changing circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of World Tensions / Tensões Mundiais is the property of Observatorio das Nacionalidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper’s main argument is that Israel’s security policy, which traditionally focused on defending its territorial integrity against regular Arab armed forces, was, by the 2010s, transformed into one that focuses on facing a variety of state- and non-state-based threats. Neo-realist explanations could neither account for the contested nature of the security debate during this period, nor the inconsistent evolution of the policy. The present study aims to solve this conundrum by introducing an alternative approach known as 4th generation strategic culture research. The paper is comprised of four parts. First, the origins and evolution of strategic culture are reviewed, with emphasis placed on the commonly accepted weaknesses that, to date, have prevented it from being used as a testable theoretical concept, and subsequently as an explanatory factor for security policy changes. The second part presents the “modernist constructivism” approach that bridges the gap between traditional constructivism and hypothesis-driven research design. Next, the paper introduces the emerging fourth generation in strategic culture literature, followed by a conceptual framework designed to resolve the inherent weaknesses of the more traditional approaches. Finally, this conceptual framework is applied to analyse the transformation of Israel’s security policy between 1982 and 2014. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Fundamental reform of Russia’s military has passed through a number of distinct phases since its inception in late 2008. This paper describes the phase of consolidation and stability begun in early 2011. Based on research to June 2012, and pre-dating the replacement of Anatoliy Serdyukov as Russian Defence Minister, the paper shows how early planning and forecasting deficiencies were addressed from 2011 onward, with continuing support at the highest level for the overall aims of military reform. Ongoing problems such as procurement and manpower are discussed as serious challenges to Russian military aspirations, and further specific challenges affecting each individual arm of service are described. In conclusion, Russia’s new military capabilities, and the state’s rationale for introducing them, are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Working from recently declassified Australian and British government files, this paper examines the archival evidence on policy thinking in London and Canberra towards the Five Power Defence Arrangements (FPDA) during the period 1970-75. The article argues that one of the main reasons for the Heath government's decision to deploy a token military force in Southeast Asia as part of a multilateral defence arrangement with Australia, New Zealand, Malaysia and Singapore was the desire to uphold these Commonwealth connections. By contrast, Canberra was beginning to question the value of such arrangements in a rapidly changing Southeast Asian strategic environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The move towards a common European defence policy raises a multitude of multidimensional and complex issues. As pointed out in a recent paper (Hartley, 2003), these issues include economic aspects ranging from the role of the European defence industrial base to the costs of a common defence policy, and therefore the issue of burden sharing. This paper, assuming that the provision of common European defence to the participating members has the characteristics of a pure public good, approaches the burden sharing issue raised by Hartley (2003) by calculating a simple benefit share index that is then compared with the contribution made by each country to the costs of the common defence. Assuming the existence of a European Defence Union, the results indicate that some members are under-contributing while others are over-contributing in relation to the benefits derived. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is conceptual in nature and reviews five of the key management challenges that are facing those charged with the management of the UK Defence. It is argued that similar challenges face many Western governments, albeit the solutions are likely to be country-specific. Given the paucity of academic research into the general area of defence management, there is considerable potential for focused application of ideas and concepts from a broad range of disciplines. This will help improve the UK's ability to maintain its peacetime military capability efficiently whilst retaining the capacity to conduct operations effectively. Whilst the paper does not seek to recommend solutions for the issues identified, it does seek to expose the essential features as a means of broadening the reader's understanding of the nature of the challenge--and, hence, to help shape the research agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how and why the American military helped create and exacerbate the current insurgency in Iraq and the actions it has taken since summer 2004 to address perceived operational and tactical errors. Of key importance in this process of reform were the influence of the British and their articulation of a plan which has exerted a strong influence on subsequent political and military operations within Iraq. Whilst the paper generally supports the counterinsurgency plan that is currently being implemented it identifies a series of challenges that could cause this strategic solution to unravel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) marks an important political moment when European integration has been extended to the issue of defence. Understandably, there has been extensive commentary on the ESDP, most of which has focused on the ESDP's institutional, industrial or military deficiencies. These commentaries have been illuminating but by concentrating on the manifest weaknesses of the ESDP, scholars have perhaps neglected to discuss explicitly how a coherent ESDP could develop. Drawing on recent work by Ben Tonra, this paper discusses the social conditions which are likely to be necessary if the ESDP is to develop into a robust policy. Above all else, a coherent ESDP depends upon the development of a binding sense of mutual obligation between France, Germany and Britain. These nations need to commit themselves to collective defence goals. The paper goes on to argue that for this collective commitment to be developed between these nations, the ESDP requires missions. Only through missions, in which these nations together experience a shared threat, will enduring collective interests and the political will to address them be developed. The future of the ESDP will thus be finally determined by the actions which are carried out in its name. In the end, this may mean that a European defence identity develops not through an independent ESDP but through NATO. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Discusses how Great Britain deployed its nuclear weapons during the Cold War. Nuclear weapons program of Great Britain; Why Great Britain conducts nuclear weapon tests outside the country; Importance of the nuclear force of Great Britain to the South East Asia Treaty Organization; How the nuclear weapons were transported from Great Britain.

After renouncing an offensive chemical warfare programme in 1956, the UK Cabinet Defence Committee decided in 1963 to re-acquire a chemical warfare retaliatory capability. This article describes how the re-acquisition decision was engendered by a combination of novel research findings, changes in strategic thinking, new intelligence and pressures from NATO. Despite the 1963 decision, no new chemical weapons capability was acquired by the UK and information that Britain lacked a stockpile of chemical weapons was eventually leaked to the public, initiating a fierce debate between ministries over the significance of this leak. This paper argues that non-existent technology is equally problematic for government secrecy, and equally consequential for government action, as what exists. Furthermore, actors' different interpretations of what constituted a secret, point towards a more subtle understanding of secrecy than simply construing it as the hiding or uncovering of items of information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan's constitutional revision and resultant remilitarization can affect the balance of power in the international system beyond its national borders. This paper critically analyzes the constitutional revision debate in contemporary Japan and the implications for Japan's foreign relations if or when it becomes constitutional for the island nation to possess military forces. It argues that justification for constitutional revision is based on political myth rather than historical reality and rational analysis, and also that a militarized Japan will not enhance its independence or international prestige. Rather, there is the great fear that a new Japan will be further subordinated to the United States as a critical part of the latter's global strategy and defense mechanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 1990s Japan's defense policy has been under incremental significant change, revealed mainly in the legislative field. This paper explores the extent to which Japan's defense policy is changing in military terms. Analysis of Japan's latest security posture in Iraq (2003-2006) brings to light changes in Japan's overall defense policy in terms of defense priorities and implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that closer defense cooperation between the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) of Japan and United States forces under the 1997 Guidelines for United States-Japan Defense Cooperation has brought about an issue of exercise of the right to collective self-defense, which might infringe on Article 9 of Japan's Constitution. The article explores Japan's options in cases of emergencies such as those in Japan, the Taiwan Strait, and the Korean peninsula and concludes that Japan has no choice but to follow U.S. policy as long as it maintains a Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States of America and Japan. The United States fully understands the importance of Japan's strategic location to its security, particularly Okinawa's. From Okinawa, U.S. forces could easily cover the Korean peninsula, China, and Taiwan. Therefore, the United States will not give up its bases in Japan, and so the argument of a "fear of abandonment" on the side of Japan is a myth. The article further examines the importance of the 2001 dispatch of the Maritime SDF to the Indian Ocean and the 2004 dispatch of the Ground SDF to Iraq from the viewpoint of the right to collective self-defense and Article 9. It also analyzes Japan's recent defense efforts. utilizing the concepts of alliance dilemma and complex security dilemma. Finally, the article concludes that a new Japan with the right to collective self-defense would become more assertive in conducting its foreign policy using the SDF overseas. Such a Japan would have an impact on security in East Asia, causing a problem for China and both Koreas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neoinstitutionalists applying the logic of rational choice institutionalism have leavened our understanding of public agency design and evolution in the domestic and national security policy domains. This paper seeks to advance theory building in empirically grounded ways by assessing the explanatory power of an important theoretical perspective (rational choice institutionalism), in an understudied “hybrid” policy domain where domestic and national security aims interact (domestic environmental policy and national security policy), and in an organizational type (the U.S. military) that has drawn scant attention from students of bureaucracy in political science, public administration, or public management. Analysis of three major efforts to green the U.S. military suggests that the patterns of politics accompanying agency evolution involving hybrid policy domains differ from domestic and national security domains in ways that limit the generalizability of rational choice institutionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that it was the flawed design of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) rather than the conventionally ascribed reasons of security, international status, or domestic imperatives that provided the necessary incentive for India to conduct nuclear tests in 1998 before the treaty foreclosed such an option altogether. The mandatory nature of the entry-into-force (EIF) clause of the CTBT was a departure from other international agreements in that membership was not voluntary. This suggests that any regime that impinges on a state's sovereign right to make security decisions on behalf of its people is likely to meet failure by formal or informal defections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This survey article deals with defence policy, spending and the industrial base in Canada since the Second World War. In particular, the macroeconomic realities underpinning defence expenditure patterns as well as the unique microeconomic conditions affecting the Canadian defence industrial base are highlighted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses Finland's defense policy. Three circles of national security interest; Basing of Finnish defense policy and development plans on Defense White Paper of 2001; Transformation of Finnish national defense based on the Defense White Paper of 2004.

This paper illustrates a methodology to evaluate how dissimilar military systems support the accomplishment of the United States' counterproliferation objectives. The key questions in evaluating counterproliferation systems are identified. By using decision analysis, an influence diagram model is developed that represents military activities in the counterproliferation process. A value model is developed that enables systems to be evaluated against common criteria. An analysis of intelligence, defensive, and offensive counterproliferation systems suggests that intelligence system improvements may provide the greatest potential to meet the United States' counterproliferation objectives. Sensitivity analysis is conducted to determine which factors in the model are most important. To demonstrate the model, nine systems from the Air Force Vulcan's Forge 1995 wargame are evaluated. This paper illustrates the value of decision analysis, and influence diagrams in particular, by involving decision makers and subject matter experts in structuring complex problems for analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of the Cold War, the unification of Germany and the removal of US troops has rekindled interest in European defence cooperation. The EC has common security policies on its agenda, the military role of the WEU is being enhanced, and the new NATO strategy emphasizes multilateral European forces. A European Defence Union offers large potential efficiency gains. Power, like any natural monopoly, is generated more effectively and more cheaply by joint forces than by the sum of fragmented individual forces. There are also large economies of scale in weapons production. Trends in budgets, costs and threats are making national provision problematic and national arms industries non-viable. An EDU may appear more attractive than either spending vast sums to attain minimum efficient scale or relying on forces that are so small and ill-equipped as to require either dependence on the US or acceptance of effective neutrality. However, an EDU reduces national sovereignty; poses problems of command, control and organization; risks free-riding and adverse reactions by the US and USSR; and is vulnerable to exploitation and rent-seeking by military industrial interests. This paper examines the economics of these issues and suggests a route towards effective cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Department of Defense regulation of weapons contracting uses incentive devices common to public utility regulation. This paper examines parallels between fixed-price contracts in weapons acquisition and the use of price caps to motivate public utilities. It uses defense contracting experience to identify limits to the efficiency and administrability benefits one can expect adoption of a price caps regime to produce in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on the risky-shift effect has indicated that groups are more risky than individuals. Since many decisions involving military and international policy are made by groups, some authors have warned us of the potentially dangerous effects of the risky shift in these areas, where increased risk might work against our best interests. However, most risky-shift research has used as a measure of risk the Choice-Dilemma Questionnaire (CDQ), a paper-and-pencil measure of hypothetical risk taking. Thus, the validity of generalizations from risky-shift findings to real-world military settings would be affected by the extent to which riskiness on the CDQ reflects riskiness in such settings. Two-man groups of male college students (assigned on the basis of similar CDQ scores) participated in a simulated internation conflict. Subjects' CDQ scores were not related either to the actual level of riskiness of their military decisions, or to their perceived level of riskiness. Generalizations to real-world military decision making from risky-shift studies using the CDQ may not be warranted on the basis of currently available evidence, since the CDQ may not reflect actual military riskiness in the real world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is the military policy public in the United States--those attentive to and interested in military issues of foreign policy--similar to or different from the foreign policy public generally? This paper identifies this military policy public, specifies some of its demographic characteristics, and compares it with the American foreign policy public and the attentive public policy public. It adds a significant refinement to the understanding of public opinion and public policy relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Population ageing is among the most important problems of developed European countries and the most frequently discussed social issues. The Czech Republic also faces population ageing and we cannot expect a different trend in the future. Life expectancy has increased due to better health care while current lifestyle often leads to lower natality, resulting in a negative rate of natural increase and a decreasing proportion of young people in population in the future. This problem affects all spheres of life and social and economic development. Population ageing may pose a threat to the security of the population in different ways. The functioning of the security system may be threatened due to decreasing workforce. Population ageing may undercut resources for military budgets. Young recruits represent an important part of military forces and the latter are competing in the labour market with more attractive occupations. Especially ensuring the stability of the personnel needed for securing crisis situations would be a significant problem of near future. This paper presents a demographic perspective on staffing and correct operation of military forces in the context of population ageing. It describes the current situation of human resources in the military policy of the Czech Republic and determines the negative impact of population ageing on recruitment potential. It deals with the sustainability of human resources for security forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]