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In Canada, im/migrant sex workers face stigma, health access barriers, and overlapping marginalisation, with end-demand law reforms in 2014 postulated to exacerbate these inequities. Yet, little quantitative evidence on how immigration status shapes HIV/STI risk exists. Drawing on community-based longitudinal cohort data (AESHA, 2010–2018), we used multivariable confounder models with logistic regression to model (1) the independent effect of precarious immigration status (any status revocable under criminal charges: permanent residency/temporary residency/undocumented) on client condom refusal, and (2) the moderating effect of precarious status on the relationship between condom refusal and exposure to end-demand law reform (2015–2018). Over this 8-year study involving 758 sex workers in Metro Vancouver, 16.0% were im/migrants, of whom 57% had precarious immigration status at baseline. 16.5% of participants experienced client condom refusal. Precarious immigration was associated with increased odds of facing condom refusal (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] 2.53, 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.37–4.68), and these odds were heightened post-end-demand law reforms (AOR 4.35, 95%CI 1.21–15.66). Our findings suggest that lack of citizenship rights may enhance barriers to safer sex negotiation and increase HIV/STI risk among sex workers, highlighting the need for sex work and immigration policy reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the right to sponsor family members' immigration is framed by migrant caregivers in relation to Canadian legislation and political rhetoric. We focus on official immigration policy and political rhetoric between 2014–2018, a period when Canada imposed stringent language and education requirements on migrant workers seeking permanent residence. By examining how political rhetoric frames migrant caregivers as not earning "enough" to migrate with their families, we illustrate how lawmakers promote tolerance for differential inclusion within multicultural discourse. Migrant caregivers, the majority of whom originate in the Philippines, similarly employ market-based values to position themselves as deserving the right to sponsor their family members' immigration. They also draw upon traditional ethics of reciprocal obligation, however, to frame their relationship to Canadian employers and the state in ways that reconstruct the terms of multicultural citizenship in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2013 the Canadian Parliament passed the First Nations Financial Transparency Act (FNFTA). Subject to immediate controversy, the law generated legal and political resistance from Indigenous leaders and scholars. The law requires First Nations governments to post audited consolidated financial statements and the salaries of chiefs and councillors online for public consumption. The article traces the use of transparency as a technology of government to examine how disclosure acts as an organizing mechanism of commensuration and moral scrutiny. The article then shows how transparency and disclosure was directed to rescale critique of the state away from the Canadian government, and toward First Nations governments. The article concludes by examining how bureaucrats envisioned how Indigenous peoples would use transparency and disclosure to reform their political conducts into that of a calculating taxpayer citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A key component of the Conservative Party of Canada's (CPC) electoral strategy in 2011, 2015 and 2019 was to court the country's "ethnic vote". Under the leadership of Stephen Harper and Andrew Scheer, the CPC launched an aggressive outreach strategy aimed at attracting conservative ethnic populations while at the same time, continuing to appeal to the party's "old stock" base – referred to as the "populist paradox". This approach was particularly prominent in the Party's immigration and citizenship policy platform. While the CPC continuously rolled out reforms further restricting access to incoming immigrants and refugees, they framed these initiatives as a way to keep disingenuous immigrants out in order to protect the integrity of the Canadian immigration system, a system used appropriately by those immigrants from whom they were seeking support. Using Sara Ahmed's work on affect and happiness, this paper examines the CPC's construction of "good" and "bad" immigrants, specifically how these constructions are taken up in broader narratives of Canadian citizenship and belonging. In doing so, I address how the CPC uses this rhetoric to appeal to voters, both immigrant and non-immigrant alike. Un élément clé de la stratégie électorale du Parti conservateur du Canada (PCC) en 2011, 2015 et 2019 était de convoiter le ''vote ethnique'' dans le pays. Sous la direction de Stephen Harper et Andrew Scheer, le PCC a lancé une stratégie de sensibilisation agressive visant à attirer des populations ethniques conservatrices tout en continuant de faire appel à la base du ''vieux stock'' du parti – appelée ''paradoxe populiste''. Cette approche était particulièrement importante dans la plate-forme de la politique d'immigration et de citoyenneté du Parti. Bien que le PCC ait continuellement déployé des réformes restreignant davantage l'entrée aux immigrants et aux réfugiés, il a présenté ces initiatives comme un moyen de garder les immigrants de moralité douteuse à l'écart afin de protéger l'intégrité du système d'immigration canadien, un système utilisé de manière appropriée par ces mêmes immigrants auprès de qui ils cherchaient du soutien. Utilisant les travaux de Sara Ahmed sur l'insouciance et le bonheur, cet article examine la construction par le PCC des notions de ''bons'' et ''mauvais'' immigrants, en particulier comment ces constructions sont reprises de façon plus large dans des récits de la citoyenneté et de l'appartenance canadiennes. En somme, j'explique comment le PCC utilise cette rhétorique pour séduire les électeurs, immigrants et non-immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research into media constructions of migrant crises has noted when, where, and how migrants become illegalized, criminalized, and securitized, exposing the relationship between media, migration, and state power. News media, through narratives and lexicon, can portray some migrants as a threat to the fabric of society. This article applies the framework of policing the crisis (Hall et al.,) to discuss the discursive construction of Temporary Migrant Workers (TMWs) in Canadian media and policy. Content and textual analysis of front‐page coverage of newsprint on the Moratorium on TMWs implemented in 2014 demonstrates this process of collective problematization. The Moratorium responded to a concern of replacing Canadians, which was largely unsupported by data. Since then, news coverage has shifted their representation of TMWs from a threat to victims, signalling a critical moment to reimagine TMWs and re‐direct discussions towards granting substantive citizenship rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relationship between Canada, one of the world's leading immigration countries and a country that often serves as an international 'poster child' for well managed migration, and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), an intergovernmental organisation that provides migration-related services for Canada and many other countries. Despite growing awareness about the role of the IOM in migration politics, a research gap remains regarding how states cogitate and evaluate their partnership with the IOM. This article draws on publicly available government evaluations, conducted by Citizenship and Immigration Canada, which speak to the strongly inter-dependent, but also highly ambivalent reality of collaboration between Canada and the IOM. In exploring and discussing the nature of this relationship, the article also speaks to the particularities of 'migration management' and the larger transformations in global migration governance reflected in Canada's partnership with the IOM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to the rise in terrorism after the turn of the millennium, multiculturalist countries such as Australia, Britain and Canada introduced policies that make it easier to revoke the citizenships of dual nationals. These policies primarily target naturalized immigrants and their descendants. Ongoing debates indicate that more countries plan to follow suit. Some scholars argue that easy revocation policies create two-tiered political communities, where one group of citizens have a stronger status security than the other. This study builds on their perspectives, and argues that majority members should be more likely to hold anti-immigrant attitudes in countries where state policies discriminate against citizens in terms of status security. To test this hypothesis, this study employs multilevel regression analysis. Data come from European Values Study (2008), European Social Survey (2014), and Eurobarometer (2015), and cover thirty European countries. Findings offer support for the proposed hypothesis. In countries where immigrants have low status security, majority members are more likely to have negative attitudes toward immigrants. The results hold not only for immigrants in general but also for Muslim immigrants in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Domestic and caregiving work have been part of the Canadian fabric since our colonial founding and have long represented one of the most easily accessible routes for migration open to women. Until very recently the Live-In Caregiver Program (LCP) operated as the primary program in Canada facilitating this labour migration. While the LCP has been replaced by the Caregiver Program (CP), it has yet to be determined how these changes will impact migrant caregivers. We suggest that many lessons can be drawn from our knowledge of migrant caregivers’ experiences under the LCP that can help us understand the dynamics of new immigration policies. Using the global care chain framework, we consider here whether Canada’s caregiver migration policy demonstrates a concern for the wellbeing of migrant caregivers as workers, as family members and as citizens. Our analysis suggests that the CP does not adequately address the concerns raised through the global care chain critique. Rather, the CP continues and deepens the trend of using immigration policy to hold people in substandard employment, with very little care for migrant caregivers whether in terms of their labour rights, their family relationships or their sense of belonging and citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines the close tie between host and source countries in producing education migration. Using South Korea and Canada as a case study, our analysis illustrates how the gradual granting/limiting of citizenship to education migrants is ingrained in social policy which contributes to the nation-building of the host country while relying on ‘foreign’ income from the source country, impinging on family life (i.e. splitting family structure trans-nationally), and risking social integration. Although the actors are changed from labor migrants to education migrants the same dynamic of excluding migrants from citizenship and distinguishing worthy migrants from non-worthy migrants remains unchanged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to recent policies in the United States, immigration reform in Canada, during the past decade, has resulted in one of the most transformative periods in Canada’s immigration history. This article examines these changes, against the comparative backdrop of American inaction. These include changes affecting the three classes of legal permanent residents—economic, family, and refugee—as well as temporary foreign workers and foreign students. Canadian citizenship rules have also been refocused from citizenship as a “right” to citizenship as a “responsibility.” The article illustrates the advantages of the Canadian system, but cautions against overmanagement, centralization of decision-making power, and the loss of Canada’s welcoming reputation. The Canadian system, while not perfect, is efficient and should be able to successfully adjust to future problems that arise, provided that the Canadian public has sufficient input in policy decisions. Given a more complex and cumbersome US immigration policy system, comprehensive immigration reform is not likely to occur if partisanship prevails. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

For many Japanese people, the 49th parallel was only a line on a map, yet there were differences for the Japanese residents in the United States and Canada. The two nations had different concepts of citizenship and constitutions but, in what has been called “hemispheric orientalism,” prejudice knew no border. Both countries severely restricted immigration from Japan. In the United States, immigrants, the Issei, were aliens ineligible for citizenship. Thus, states could deny their access to commercial fishing and the right to own or lease land. Because the American constitution bestows full citizenship on the native-born, their American-born children, the Nisei, could vote and acquire land, but experienced discrimination especially in employment. On paper, the Canadian Issei had more civil rights since they could become naturalized but this provided few advantages apart from the rights to own land and to fish commercially. The Canadian Nisei had no more rights than their parents. In British Columbia, where 95 percent of the Japanese lived, they could not vote and provincial laws and customs denied their access to many occupations. During the Second World War, both nations required all the Nikkei to leave the Pacific Coast, incarcerated some, severely restricted the mobility of others, and proposed to “repatriate” many of them to Japan. Drawing mainly on the previous scholarship which has examined specific themes, time periods, or comparisons, this article offers an overview of how between the 1890s and the 1940s the effects of prejudice varied more in detail and timing than in principle even though formal consultation between the two nations was sporadic. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Background While some trained nurses migrate to destination countries to work as domestic workers, little is known about their migration motivations. Aim This study explores the motivations of Philippine educated nurses who migrated to Canada through the Live-in Caregiver Program from 2001 to 2011 (a Canadian domestic worker programme). Methods A single case study qualitative methodology and the transnational feminist concept of global care chains were utilized for this study. Interviews of 15 Philippine educated nurses who migrated to Canada as domestic workers were conducted in the province of Ontario, Canada, between February to October 2012. All participants had a baccalaureate degree from the Philippines. Interviews were tape recorded, transcribed verbatim and analysed using critical discourse analysis, aided by NVIVO 10 data analysis software. Results Findings reveal a multi-step immigration process in which nurses migrate from the Philippines to the Middle East (especially Saudi Arabia) and finally to Canada. While emigration from the Philippines is mainly economically driven, migration from the Middle East to Canada is primarily motivated by the desire for Canadian citizenship for the family. Also, perceived social status and lifestyle in Canada as compared to the Middle East motivates this group of women to migrate to Canada. Limitation The major limitation of this study is the lack of input from nursing policy makers. Conclusion Gender-based familial ideologies and perspective on social status influence the migration decision of this group of nurses. Implications for Nursing and Health Policy Implications for nursing and health policy makers include the provision of clear pre-migration information (including on the nursing registration process) to internationally educated nurses, advocacy for stronger immigration policies to ensure the integration of internationally educated nurses and a consideration of gender in all health human resource policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While serving as Minister of Citizenship and Immigration Canada between 2008 and 2013, Jason Kenney likened the detention facilities used to house an increasing number of asylum seekers and non-status migrants to hotels. And yet, when addressing the responsibilities of citizenship, he repeatedly argued that 'Canada is not a hotel.' However contradictory, Kenney's references to hotels and, implicitly, to the comforts and privileges they represent, draw on the idea of Canadian hospitality: the suggestion is that we detain asylum seekers in hotels or hotel-like conditions because we are an hospitable people but that our reputation for hospitality leaves us vulnerable to migrants who construe themselves as hotel guests with privileges rather than citizens with responsibilities. Paying particular attention to recent legislative reforms that will almost certainly result in the incarceration of more asylum seekers, this article asks how Canadian hospitality is defined and practiced today. More generally, it uses discourse analysis to explore the tension between the Canadian ideal of hospitality and the realities of an expanding immigration detention system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores current issues in English as a Second Language (ESL[1]) policies and programs for adult immigrants in Canada from a critical multiculturalism perspective. In the context of Canadian policies on immigration, bilingualism, and multiculturalism, the paper first provides an overview of language education in Canada historically. Current trends and issues in language programs for adult immigrants are then explored by examining discourses of integration at the level of both policy and practice, by looking at problems of teaching Canadian values, and by critiquing the emphasis on employability in language programs. Implications for language education for adult immigrants are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last decade, autism has become one of the most hotly contested health policy issues in North America and beyond. From debates about the role of vaccines to the efficacy of therapeutic interventions, a range of civil society actors has been advocating for policy and societal change in the field, with mixed success. In Canada, this culminated in 2004 with a much-publicized Supreme Court decision—Auton v. British Columbia—that pitted parents of autistic children against the BC government, which was unwilling to cover the costs of behavioural treatment for autistic children. In contrast to parent-led advocacy groups, there has been a flurry of civil society activity waged by autistic self-advocates who decry the focus on curing autistic people and press instead for the recognition of neurological difference. Drawing on interviews with advocates in Canada and the US, this article highlights these contending perspectives and argues that both pose fundamental challenges to how we view the redistributive aims of the welfare state in Canada and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores the production of temporariness in Canada, and its implications for the citizenship rights of migrants. It investigates the production of temporariness within three policy fields that are typically not examined together – security, work and settlement. Within these three fields, it considers public policies concerning: (1) security of presence; (2) access to paid employment for spouses of migrants; and (3) eligibility for settlement services. It argues that temporariness is being institutionalized in new ways, producing a hierarchy of categories of migrants ranging from the temporarily temporary to the permanently temporary and temporarily permanent, shaped by entry category, legal residency status and socially recognized skills. The paper advances a multidimensional conception of temporariness, and contends that the temporary-permanent divide is constructed through the enforcement of different entry categories and forms of legal residency status, which create ‘paper borders’ that are made up of the increasing number and range of restrictions, limits and containments regarding legal residency status, access to employment and settlement services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shifts in Canada's immigration policy, most recently linked to the Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP) with the US and Mexico, have created an increased reliance on temporary migrant workers, who constitute a disposable workforce, driven from their own countries by the same forces of neoliberal capitalism which foster their super-exploitation in the Canadian labour market. In this article, the operation of two migrant worker programmes, the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (SAWP) and Live-in Caregiver Program (LCP), are considered in the context of the province of British Columbia. The various means by which migrant workers are maintained in a state of vulnerability, available as a pool of cheap labour but excluded from belonging to the nation, are discussed. The article concludes by examining examples and further possibilities of alliances across social movements in BC in order to advance the struggle for human dignity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the puzzle of diverging trajectories of immigrant citizenship in the United States and Canada to build a new approach to the study of citizenship and political incorporation. I consider three existing models of citizenship: an approach that considers citizenship adoption as the product of cost/benefit calculations; an approach that understands individuals and groups to be differentially endowed with the skills, resources and interests necessary to acquire citizenship; and an approach that believes countries adopt citizenship regimes which either include or shut out immigrants. I then offer an alternative model of structured mobilization which views political incorporation as a social process of mobilization by friends, family, community organizations and local leaders that is embedded in an institutional context shaped by government policies of diversity and newcomer settlement. The material and symbolic resources provided by government shape the ability and interest of "social helpers" to assist with and mobilize around citizenship. The article concludes by considering the implications of structured mobilization for various debates in immigration and political sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses dual nationality and its policy implications. It describes Discover Canada study guide, which mentions that present-day Canada welcomes migrants as one of its own for it owes its existence to early settlers in 18th-20th centuries. It outlines a proposal to consider a charter to impart citizenship with an unambiguous commitment to Canada and to its primacy.