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During the first half of the twentieth century, northern Quebec was under federal jurisdiction. Tired of English Canadian supremacy and increasingly aware of northern Quebec’s considerable natural resources, which could provide a solid basis for future moves toward independence, the Quebec government began to take over responsibility for its northern territories in the 1960s. It established a regional administration to take charge of its northern affairs and sent officers to northern Quebec’s remote communities. For two decades, both governments administered the region and imposed two political systems on the local Inuit. This article is based on lengthy fieldwork and archival research. The historical background is described to show how Nunavik has developed as a political and social entity through its relationships with the Quebec and Canadian governments. This conflictual situation has created tensions in the Inuit community, resulting in political dissensions over the goal of self-government. Finally, this article details how the Inuit have exploited federal–provincial tensions to further their own interests. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the definition of success in First Nations drinking water service as voiced by the First Nations technical community of practice. The research explores success stories to identify success themes and factors to formulate a workable definition for policy-makers. Researchers interviewed sixteen technical practitioners in Ontario using a semi-structured approach. Data analysis revealed a definition of success that extends beyond the technical boundary to include professional growth, employment, local action and a facilitating policy environment. This comprehensive definition provides a basis for policy and program considerations to increase First Nations buy-in and foster a constructive environment for drinking water improvements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As developed states have faced increasing ethnocultural diversity, debates have arisen over what tools the state has at its disposal to help create peaceful, tolerant, and cohesive diverse societies. This research note has two purposes. First, it builds on existing theoretical research on multicultural policies to propose a typology of multicultural policies from non-devoted immigration or multicultural ministries. Second, it argues that there is space for policies aimed to accommodate and recognize immigrants and ethnocultural minorities in health care policy and - by extension - other policy areas. Such initiatives would both improve the quality of service for immigrants, ethnocultural minorities, and majority group Canadians and greatly enhance the likelihood of recognition and comprehensive integration of minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the intersection of the history of women’s movements, history of civil society, migration policy and social work, this article examines the approach that the women of the Canadian Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA) took toward the issue of immigration and the work they undertook with migrants during the 1920s and 1930s. Following an initial time (from the 1870s to the post-war period), when the legal reform and the nationalization of immigration policies were predominant, a transnational approach to assisting immigrants emerged within the YWCA. In the context of the post-war period, when the federal state intervened in the reception of migrants and called for the closure of borders, the YWCA forged close ties with major international organizations rising in Europe. Transcending the imperial and national spheres, and orienting itself toward a less sectarian and no longer women-oriented action, throughout the 1930s the Canadian YWCA contributed to the emergence of a new humanitarian and transnational approach to assisting migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bologna Process that created the European Higher Education Area is an elaborate open method of coordination ( OMC)-type process involving the member states, interested parties, social partners and experts. It is the product of the incentives of the actors who created and who sustain it; it embodies a purpose. Is such a process relevant for policy making on postsecondary education in the Canadian federal system? One would need to know if there is a compelling vision, objective or anxiety that motivates the key actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the impact of federalism on Canadian environmental policies and attempts to establish a pattern of intergovernmental cooperation and competition concerning the outcome of environmental policies on climate change as of 2012. The article discusses public opinion concerning environmental costs, regional differences in economics and ecology, and decentralized jurisdictions attempting to enforce environmental regulations. The author argues that there is no Canadian consensus on national policies concerning greenhouse gas emission (GGE) reductions.

The article discusses the Canadian government's official bilingualism policy and how such legislation frames and constraints not only the political action of community leaders but also their identity ideas. It follows the development of the official bilingualism policy as a result of fears related to linguistic assimilation and political conflicts and how this policy, looking to reassure people, limiting the risks, and guaranteeing a satisfactory linguistic peace in Canada. It examines how the official bilingualism context impacted ideas concerning the notion of francophonie, particularly the political aspects of francophonie in Canada such as the role of linguistic militant in the political construction Francophone communities.

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The publication of Small Worlds in 1980 constituted a landmark in the study of Canadian politics. This contribution re-assesses the central findings of regional similarity and convergence in opinion preferences on public policy as observed in the original chapter by Richard Simeon and Donald Blake. Using public opinion data from the past 30 years, three central findings emerge: the presence of non-trivial levels of regional variation in public policy preferences; policy preference heterogeneity tends to be comparable to or greater than differences based on other socio-demographic features of Canadian society, and; regional preference heterogeneity since 1980 has increased and remains prominent even when separating out the effects of the Quebec issue. As a result, the contribution concludes that region is an important source of heterogeneity in Canadians' public policy preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relationship between Canada and the European Union (EU), primarily focusing on trade disputes among the two powers centered in the North Atlantic. The author analyzes the ways in which Canada's geographic position in relation to the U.S. and Europe has helped determine its European foreign policy. Bilateral trade disputes between Canada and the EU regarding fish, seals, fur trapping, and other staples of the North Atlantic economy are discussed. Disputes over natural resource exploitation are examined.

Copyright of Politique et Sociétés is the property of Politique et Societes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article will examine Canadian politicians' and administrators' leadership in the realm of education-related international activities. In the era between the 1960s and the 1980s, it became increasingly difficult for educational leaders to walk the line dividing federal and provincial responsibility in this field. Educational authorities at the federal and provincial levels were collectively ill-prepared to address the question of 'diplomacy' in a field of provincial responsibility. Instead, there were a whole series of mis-steps on one or other sides of the line. Moreover, the executive level interaction that characterized this period was marked by developing federal authority, a federal government increasingly focused on power, and one which wanted greater control over the issue. Additionally, as is the case when having difficulty with 'walking the line' and passing a sobriety test, this was a federalism characterized by misunderstandings, provisional accords, and last minute compromises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]