Search

Resumo: Este trabalho investiga os processos diacrônicos de constituição de duas perífrases conjuncionais concessivas do português, bem que e se bem que. Com respaldo teórico da Gramaticalização, sobretudo Traugott e Dasher (2002), Heine e Kuteva (2007), Bybee (2010), e de alguns pressupostos de teorias pragmáticas sobre concessividade, conforme Anscombre (1980), Ducrot (1984), Moeschler e Spengler (1982), Rossari (2014), a questão maior está na compreensão do elo entre a semântica da fonte adverbial, os processos inferenciais instigados contextualmente e o tipo de significado concessivo. As análises são baseadas em uma amostra diacrônica que reúne textos do português antigo ao moderno e em uma metodologia norteada pelos padrões polissêmicos das construções com suas respectivas propriedades distribucionais. Os resultados fornecem evidências de que, embora se trate de dois fenômenos de mudança que emergem em diferentes estados de língua e em contextos distintos, ambos têm na fonte o advérbio bem, na função de afirmação enfática, e ambos se especializam na expressão de relações concessivas restritivas. Os dados duplamente compatíveis com as interpretações fonte e alvo indiciam processos graduais da pragmática à semântica, nos quais as noções de polifonia e hierarquia argumentativa são importantes. Palavras-chave: junção; concessividade; gramaticalização; diacronia. Abstract: This paper investigates the diachronic establishment process of two concessive conjunctional periphrases in Portuguese, bem que and se bem que. With theoretical support from Grammaticalization, in particular Traugott and Dasher (2002), Heine and Kuteva (2007), Bybee (2010), and some assumptions from pragmatic theories about concessivity, according to Anscombre (1980), Ducrot (1984), Moeschler and Spengler (1982), Rossari (2014), the main issue is about understanding the link between the semantics of the adverbial source, the contextually induced inferential processes and the type of concessive meaning. The analyses are based on a diachronic sample featuring texts from ancient to modern Portuguese, and on a methodology guided by the the constructions’ polysemic standards with their corresponding distributional properties. The results provide evidence that, despite being two change phenomena which arise in different states of language and distinct contexts, both have the adverb bem at their source, in the role of emphatic affirmation, and both specialize in expressing restrictive concessive relations. The data doubly compatible with source and target interpretations evidences gradual processes from pragmatic towards semantics, in which the concepts of polyphony and argumentative hierarchy are of importance. Keywords: junction; concessivity; grammaticalization; diachrony.

In this paper, I discuss processes of language change which have led to the constitution of concessive connectives in two genetically related languages, Latin and Portuguese. I focus on the diachronic developments of the Latin licet, and of bem que and embora, from Portuguese, whose sources are etymologically different: the modal verb licere, the emphatic adverb bem and the volitive adverbial phrase em boa hora. The main purpose is to investigate whether the three phenomena could be taken as stages of an onomasiological cycle of a semantic-pragmatic nature, as proposed by Hansen (2018). Based on studies in Latin linguistics about licet and on the analysis of the grammaticalization processes for bem que and embora in an interactional diachronic sample, I shall argue that, in the three instances of evolution, there has been a stage in which licet, bem and embora have acted as assent markers, and that this usage, in combination with contextual traits, has been crucial to sustain the inferential processes which enabled the concessive interpretation. The similar source and target meanings and the continuity of inferential processes over time also suggest that this is a recurrent path of renewal of the concessive meaning which displays a cyclicity pattern.

Copyright of Scripta is the property of Scripta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This work studies the grammaticalization process of the counter-argumentative connector noresmenys from its origin as a quantifying adverb to the current value of concessive discourse marker, from the 13th to the 18th century. Within the framework of Cognitive Grammar, especially of Grammaticalization Theory and of the latest contributions around Construction Grammar, we explain the evolution of the concessive connector, paying special attention to the Theory of Argumentation and the dynamics of the Theory of Intersubjectification. With a vision of language and language change rooted in use, in this case, metadiscursive use, we carry out a revision of the conceptual sources and values of noresmenys documented in legal, administrative, epistolary and religious Catalan texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While concessives are well-known for their special semantic characteristics, most research has so far been oriented towards hypotactic construction types (although etc.). The present article seeks to complement this trend by investigating the paratactic zwar ... aber-construction in German (roughly equivalent to English 'true ... but'), with a special focus on its patterns of variation. The aim is to document important aspects of this variation from a combined qualitative/quantitative perspective. The basic thesis is that zwar ... aber constitutes the core instantiation of an emergent constructional schema zwar ... aber whose surface variation is structured in a prototype-like fashion. Several functional regularities and statistical correlations are analysed and discussed from the point of view of grammaticalisation theory. The data consist of ca. 10,000 parsed tokens of zwar, mainly from newspaper usage, in the Deutsches Referenzkorpus (DeReKo). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]