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During the early years of the Penny Press, the concept of freedom of the press faced grave threats from government and citizens as journalism became more commercial and accessible. Horace Greeley, founder of the New-Yorker and the New-York Tribune and one of the most influential publishers of this era, stood up to these challenges in the 1830s and 1840s through numerous libel lawsuits, battles with the postmaster, and threats of physical violence from the public and political rivals. Greeley used his platform as a publisher and editor to link these dangers to press freedom as threats to American freedom and democracy that limited the ability of the press to serve as a watchdog and agent of social reform. This study, which examines Greeley's thoughts and actions when dealing with government and social constraints on publication in the pre-Civil War era, details Greeley's role in shaping modern understanding of press freedom in the formative years of the Penny Press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of the sweeping events of 1848 on both sides of the Atlantic from the perspective of Horace Greeley, editor of the New York Tribune. It analyzes editorial content about the year's election published concurrently with reports about the revolutionary movements in the German states that were influenced by Rhineland editor Karl Marx, suggesting Greeley's vision for the Whig Party understood the United States as intrinsically linked to international events. The article features newspaper columns, campaign-related literature, and the writings of Whig leaders who, during the short presidency of General Zachary Taylor, helped develop a free-soil platform that resonated in particular with German immigrants, the "Forty-eighters," later forming the foundation of the Republican Party. Its findings are significant for media historians because they detail Greeley's efforts to attract a valuable immigrant demographic to his audience, and to present issues popularized in his newspaper in context with the ideas of European revolutionaries, including Marx, who later contributed to the Tribune as a correspondent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article surveys the history of Horace Greeley's New-York Tribune to explore the social unease and contradictory impulses that gave rise to an American liberal tradition. It was said that the Tribune was both an organ for Republican champions of bourgeois property rights and the most influential reform newspaper in the U.S. Some writers of the newspaper formulated a social democratic ideology that showed a profound ambivalence toward the spread of market individualism and industrial capitalism. The term social democracy was used to describe the expanse between Marxism and bourgeois liberalism, a discursive space where the New-York Tribune was an important popular participant. It was found that the Tribune's social democratic commitments were highly dynamic, even in the two decades prior to the Civil War.

The article highlights the concept of political economy coined by well-known socio-economist Horace Greeley. Historians of economic thought, in customarily appointing Henry C. Carey dean of the American School, have generally neglected the high spokesman of discontent, Horace Greeley, founder and editor of the "New York Tribune." Horace Greeley's life and political economy stand out as clearer expressions of a young America in its middle period transition. Greeley was an awakened figure of his time. Never the totally eccentric dreamer he is frequently considered, he found himself aware that narrow parochialisms were breaking up, and he aimed to conform society to the changes under way. He saw his country as the great chance for righting wrongs- and he wished to make it a proving ground for social experimentation. Thus, he devoted his life and his paper to teaching the people to seek freedom by building a wealthy nation in which resources should be correctly utilized and special privileges should be destroyed.

The article discusses the significance of the concept of evangelical millenialism in the development of public education in the U.S. It examines the millienialist concept of end times as discussed in the biblical book of Revelation, the postmillenialism of Congregationalist minister Jonathan Edwards, and the social reform agenda of Evangelical Protestants. It discusses the championing of free public education by U.S. journalist and lecturer Horace Greeley, educational reform and the concept of redemptive education as proposed by former secretary to the Massachusetts Board of Education Horace Mann, and the development of land grant universities in the U.S.

The article discusses former New Mexico delegate to the U.S. Congress, Miguel A. Otero. The author discusses accusations made by U.S. editor and abolitionist Horace Greeley in Greeley's book "The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-1865," that Otero was a secessionist and attempted to persuade New Mexicans in 1861 to back the confederate states in the conflict. The author argues that Otero should be excused from being labeled as a secessionist. The author states that Otero did not make secessionist arguments or express secessionist opinions during the 36th Congress in 1860 and 1861.

The article discusses former U.S. president Abraham Lincoln's understanding of constitutional liberty. It describes Lincoln's rejection of Southern and abolitionist definitions of liberty, his disagreements with abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison and politician Stephen A. Douglas on the nature of freedom, and the reasons for Lincoln's rejection of popular sovereignty. Lincoln's constitutional justification for the Emancipation Proclamation is discussed, along with his understanding of the importance of the Union of the states. Other subjects under discussion include the legal issues related to slavery during the U.S. Civil War, Lincoln's letter to newspaper editor Horace Greeley, and Lincoln's understanding of self-government.