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The success of a scientist depends on their production of scientific papers and the impact factor of the journal in which they publish. Because most major scientific journals are published in English, success is related to publishing in this language. Currently, 98% of publications in science are written in English, including researchers from English as a Foreign Language (EFL) countries. Colombia is among the countries with the lowest English proficiency in the world. Thus, understanding the disadvantages that Colombians face in publishing is crucial to reducing global inequality in science. This paper quantifies the disadvantages that result from the language hegemony in scientific publishing by examining the additional costs that communicating in English creates in the production of articles. It was identified that more than 90% of the scientific articles published by Colombian researchers are in English, and that publishing in a second language creates additional financial costs to Colombian doctoral students and results in problems with reading comprehension, writing ease and time, and anxiety. Rejection or revision of their articles because of the English grammar was reported by 43.5% of the doctoral students, and 33% elected not to attend international conferences and meetings due to the mandatory use of English in oral presentations. Finally, among the translation/editing services reviewed, the cost per article is between one-quarter and one-half of a doctoral monthly salary in Colombia. Of particular note, we identified a positive correlation between English proficiency and higher socioeconomic origin of the researcher. Overall, this study exhibits the negative consequences of hegemony of English that preserves the global gap in science. Although having a common language is important for science communication, generating multilinguistic alternatives would promote diversity while conserving a communication channel. Such an effort should come from different actors and should not fall solely on EFL researchers.

High-profile revelations of organizational malpractices in the last few years such as unethical business deals based on large-scale conflicts of interest, insider trading, overvaluation of housing mortgages, doctored inventories of inadequate capital holdings to raise finances, and manipulation of facts and figures have made transparency an important value in today’s organizational world. Stakeholders, whether internal or external, expect to have access to information and organizations have little choice but to open up in keeping with current trends (Christensen, 2002; Christensen & Langer, 2009). This paper offers a tentative examination of what we believe to be an original conceptual framework for a critical understanding of processes of and motivations for organizational transparency, including its paradoxes, by drawing on and combining theories of power, hegemony, legitimacy, and liquid modernity.

International audience; The White Paper on Intercultural Dialogue, published in 2008 by the Council of Europe, is one of the first European level attempts to provide a common guideline for diversity politics in Europe. It introduces the idea of ‘intercultural dialogue’ as a new focus and a method of governing diversity. Our paper aims to investigate the explicit and implicit meanings included in the idea of ‘intercultural dialogue’ and how the idea is rhetorically operationalized as a policy in the White Paper. The investigation is conducted with a lexical and semantic analysis of the text in the White Paper and a discourse analysis of its rhetoric, in order to explore how the ‘intercultural dialogue’ as a policy relies on a mixture of ideas borrowed from different political discourses. The investigation revealed how the concept of intercultural dialogue and other related concepts, such as culture and diversity, embrace power hierarchies. The meanings of these concepts are produced from a hegemonic point of view which grants the ‘intercultural dialogue’ with the power positions of a dialoguer and a dialoguee. The policy rhetoric in the White Paper emphasizes social cohesion in Europe. Its policy discourse does not recognize the societal, cultural, historical, religious, or linguistic differences between European societies, but offers unified – and profoundly Western European – views for the governance of diversity. Formulating a common and generic diversity policy for Europe as a whole inevitably simplifies the idea of diversity in Europe and produces new hierarchies between the subjects and objects of these policies.

In December 2004 the People's Liberation Army issued its status report, the White Paper, summarising its view of the global configuration of forces and projecting its response. The operating assumptions are: (1) while the international situation is stable, there are factors present of instability, uncertainty and insecurity, which are increasing, at the same time that hegemonism and unilateralism are gaining; (2) the tendency towards multi-polarisation is deepening; (3) new changes are altering the existing balance of power; (4) while the developing world is increasing global democratisation with a more vocal say, the gap between the North and the South is ever widening; (5) the world wide revolution in Military Affairs requires both new technology and new doctrines; (6) localised wars of a geopolitical, ethnic and religious nature are a constant threat; (7) any attempt by Taiwan to separate will be crushed; and (8) non-traditional threats are on the increase. To properly position the White Paper in perspective, it is essential to examine the 1999 study by two senior PLA Colonels, Unrestricted Warfare, which was characterised by the US as the doctrine of a technologically weaker China as it confronts the superior US power. A careful examination of this study reveals a thoroughly thought-out evaluation of both US and Chinese strengths and weaknesses in technology, strategy and doctrine. There is little doubt that the wake-up call for the PLA was triggered by the Gulf War—Operation Desert Storm. China's response, it is argued, is multiple—ranging from altering force levels to increasing its educational/technical levels; developing a seamless strategy for a transition from a peacetime to a wartime economy; seeking a leapfrog strategy in military technology; not falling into the trap of seeking superiority in all areas of military technology; and constructing and reinforcing an alliance structure of both multilateral institutional nature as well as on the bilateral level.

Arne Ruckert, in his article “Producing Neoliberal Hegemony? A Neo-Gramscian Analysis of the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) in Nicaragua,” examines the hegemonic aspects of poverty reduction strategies in the post Washington consensus. In his critical reading of the PRSP, Ruckert considers the extent to which this latest global “development” initiative differs from earlier structural adjustment programs. Taking Nicaragua as his case study, Ruckert argues that the PRSP can be seen as an attempt by international financial institutions to rebuild hegemony, but this is not the only result. Ruckert explores not only the ways in which counterhegemonic ideas can be drawn into the service of neoliberalism, but also how those ideas can have positive, perhaps unintended, effects.

This paper examines the social currency of copper-plate charters on the basis of Persian copper-plates from the Deccan. Indic religious systems have a long tradition of conferring land grants using this medium, partially rooted in beliefs of metaphysical qualities attributed to metals. The objects from this region are highly unusual because there are no other recorded instances of a sultan issuing or authorizing land grants on copper-plates. The Persian-language copper-plates appear from the sixteenth century onwards, and seem to be later copies of (or extracts from) paper-based charters issued by Bahmani sultans and other kingdoms in the Deccan. Issues of authenticity and forgeries, fakes and copies are also raised in this paper. This study examines objects that combine material culture and textual content. While the textual content of these objects has always been privileged as being a source of history, the medium – which itself has a history of reception – has not been given its own historical narrative. The paper provides new perspectives on what we might call the “social life” of different documentary formats in medieval and early modern India, in particular the copper-plate grant.

In studies of intersectionality, citizenship is a category that is rarely given much attention. When it is, the care it is given is usually limited to demonstrating how the “deserving” are differentiated from the “undeserving” within regimes of rights under the nation-state model. This article works to elucidate the role played by citizenship as status and concept in everyday interactions. I present three undocumented mothers’ interactions with out-of-work males of color who are US citizens that reveal the former’s understanding of citizenship as active, as something gained through work and involvement in the community. Reading their words through their context and understanding of citizenship, I find that these mothers’ statements are not merely appropriations of dominant discourses but rather complex interplays between embodied knowledge and hegemony. While the mothers’ discourse of active citizenship sounds like that of liberal, meritocratic citizenship, these women draw upon collectively and s...

Den här studien analyserar hur maktstrukturer framträder i den amerikanska dagspressens bevakning av sexuella trakasserier. Studien analyserar 18 artiklar som har bevakat två snarlika fall där två män som varit nominerade till en position i Högsta domstolen i USA blivit anklagade för sexuella trakasserier. Det första fallet från 1991 är mellan Clarence Thomas och Anita Hill och det senare fallet är från 2018 mellan Brett Kavanaugh och Christine Blasey Ford. Artiklar från Wall Street Journal, New York Times och Chicago Tribune, som är de tre ledande dagstidningarna i USA har studerats med syfte att avslöja om det finns några underliggande ideologier och maktintressen i texten. För att avslöja dessa konstruktioner utgår studien från en kritisk diskursanalys som metod med målet att kunna se hur de språkliga resurserna uttrycker ideologier och maktintressen. Studiens teoretiska ramverk har främst utgått från genusteori, och därefter utifrån hegemoni, rape culture, nyhetsjournalistik och tabloidisering. Med hjälp av olika analysverktyg har sammanlagt 18 artiklar analyserats där materialet har delats in i fyra teman, och utifrån dem har texterna analyserats mer utförligt. Resultatet visar att patriarkala maktstrukturer uttrycker sig i olika grad i artiklarna och att det har skett en förändring i den journalistiska diskursen över tid. This study analyzes how power structures express themselves in the daily press's coverage of sexual harassment. The study analyzes 18 articles that have covered two similar cases where two men who have been nominated for a position in the Supreme Court in the United States have been accused of sexual harassment. The first case from 1991 is between Clarence Thomas and Anita Hill and the latter case is from 2018 between Brett Kavanaugh and Christine Blasey Ford. Articles from the Wall Street Journal, New York Times and the Chicago Tribune, which are the three leading newspapers in the United States, have been analyzed with the aim of revealing whether there are any underlying ideologies and power interests in the text. In order to uncover these constructs, the study uses CDA as a method for being able to see how the linguistic resources express ideologies and power interests. The study’s theoretical framework has mainly been based on gender theory, and then based on hegemony, rape culture, news journalism and tabloidization. With the help of various analysis tools, a total of 18 articles have been analyzed where the material has been divided into four themes, and based on them the texts have been analyzed in more detail. The result shows that patriarchal power structures express themselves to varying degrees in the articles and that there has been a change in journalistic discourse over time.

Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) were introduced in 1999 by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund as a requirement for Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPCs) to gain access to debt relief and concessional loans. They signalled a new focus by including a participatory framework of “nationally driven” policies. Employing 81 PRSPs for 58 countries, published during 2000–2008, this paper develops a unique scorecard to evaluate the alignment of policies in PRSPs with three dominant development paradigms. It finds that the New York Consensus, which was forged around the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), is driving the content of PRSPs, while the Washington Consensus and Post-Washington Consensus have become secondary influences. This could be the first step in breaking down the hegemony of perceived ideas in the development policy landscape.

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) may not bear fruit in its current incarnation, but it certainly teaches us crucial lessons regarding the institutional dynamics of market integration beyond the state. I argue that the TTIP’s so-called ‘regulatory cooperation’, in principle a mere mechanism for ‘discussion’ and ‘exchange’ between regulators, would have had a profound impact on the regulatory culture across the Atlantic. I make this argument in three interrelated steps. First, building on insights from constitutional law and political science, I outline an analytical framework for the study of rule-making institutions beyond the state. Second, I analyse the TTIP through the lens of this framework, illustrating the mechanisms through which its model for regulatory cooperation could reform the regulatory culture in the EU. Third, I argue that this change in the EU regulatory culture would have been neither an accident, nor a result of a US-led hegemonic project. Instead, the TTIP’s regulatory cooperation is a part of the EU’s internal political struggle, intended ultimately to re-balance not only powers between the legislative and the executive in the EU, but also within the EU’s executive branch itself.

The article looks at contestations over space in peri-urban India. It studies the acrimonious responses in defense of a local marketplace that occupied public land against the sovereign project of highway expansion in peri-urban West Bengal. It posits an opposition between two aspects of state governance—rational–legal and magical—that shape the contentions. In the rational–legal mode, the expansion of the highways represents the official development goals of progress. The magical aspects of the state engender the circulation of officially approved illegal chits that give occupying migrant villagers’ claim to the space around the highway. The ethnography looks at the affective economy of illegal chits that political parties and local bureaucracies use to bring migrating villagers within their ambit. It explores how illegal chits embody the state’s legible presence in the villagers’ everyday lives, their kinnetworks, communities and transform individual affective orientations toward space. In these new modes of simultaneous “space” and “place” making, public land is understood less as commons, but more as a stretch that could be divided among individuals and households aspiring to be “developed” or upwardly mobile by excluding others. The essay contends that emergence of the “right to the city” as a collective right requires a double-edged critique. A simple celebration of the subversive potential of the magical aspect of the state vis-a-vis its rational–legal mode may not be helpful for a politics of value that seeks to challenge the idea of value (or what makes life worth living) embedded in the wider neoliberal development discourse.

This paper has two main objectives. First, it aims to analyse the connections between education and poverty established by the Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs), a central policy tool for the articulation of the Post Washington Consensus. Second, it intends to study how the PRSPs have been consolidated and expanded through different international organisations. With these objectives, the paper includes four sections: the first and second sections present the ‘model of poverty’ and the ‘model of education’ defined in the PRSPs. The third analyses how different international actors have adopted the PRSPs as a guide to orient their strategies and policies in the field of education, development and poverty reduction. The fourth and final section critically explores the current global development agenda and identifies some of its main challenges in terms of conceptualisation and implementation.

Michael Bacon, Pragmatism: An Introduction. Oxford: Polity Press, 2012. 224pp. Paper ISBN: 978-0-745-64665-7.The questions of level, scope and approach confront any "Introduction" to a complex tradition of thought. With such a broad target in view, difficult decisions about what to focus on, how to organize it and what depth is required immediately arise. Further, academic marketability now demands a multipurpose introduction. There is a persistent trend within introductory guides to broad literatures to posit themselves as useful and intended for both ushering undergraduates into the area and contributing to current debates on the state of the discipline.Such concerns only multiply for a tradition like pragmatism, a persistent minority in the philosophical world both in the country of its origin and (to an extreme degree) in the wider philosophical world. Pragmatism, for many years, has been in the contradictory situation of being divided between self-enclosed dialogues and wider campaigns of self-justification. Pragmatism tends towards ghettoization (internally and externally imposed), and it also lives under the very real and constant obligation to justify itself in those wider philosophical circles. As such, introductory texts, for it, bear a unique significance (and responsibility). They can be among the few that students and researchers outside of the tradition ever actually encounter. Seldom do they actually live up to this obligation. However, Michael Bacon's recent Pragmatism: An Introduction successfully balances these responsibilities. It manages to serve as both an accessible introduction to a complex tradition while also offering a unique perspective thereon that explores new trends and developments. Further, perhaps most importantly, it attempts to illustrate the relevance of pragmatism for philosophy in general. This, of course, does not mean that there are no concerns around how Bacon does this and what choices he makes, but we will return to these after a brief overview of the book.The central structuring claim in this book is that, "pragmatism is best viewed not as a set of doctrines but rather as a tradition of thought" (2). For Bacon, pragmatism is, specifically, a living tradition with a complex development and contemporary conversation and his account is an attempt to illustrate that progression with a clear emphasis on its contemporary relevance. This is important because of what he situates himself against. Bacon opposes his account of pragmatism to the dominant "eclipse narrative." Identified by Robert Talisse, this account holds that after the establishment and rise of pragmatism through the work of Charles Sanders Peirce, William James, and John Dewey, pragmatism fell out of discussion during the mid-twentieth century hegemony of Analytic philosophy. On this understanding, it is only with Richard Rorty's Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature (1979) that pragmatism re-entered the philosophical world. For Talisse, some version of this narrative makes it into most works on pragmatism (Talisse 2007, chap. 7). To counter this, Bacon's strategy, is to focus on the development of pragmatism through its central themes (what these are and the strength of his choices is addressed below). Importantly, he explores those themes through a series of figures, some of whom were not self-declared pragmatists, in order to argue that pragmatist themes have been central to twentieth century philosophy despite often not being associated with avowed pragmatists (viii). Many of the figures Bacon chooses to focus on are, in fact, either only partially associated with pragmatism (e.g. Jurgen Habermas and Richard J. Bernstein) or denied association with it altogether (e.g. Donald Davidson). This unveiling of pragmatist themes and ideas outside the canon is an important, and in Bacon, well-argued contribution to that project of self-justification previously mentioned.Consequently, Bacon's account is chronological without being historical. …

In this article, I examine how indigenous people of the Argentinean Chaco have internalized their past alienation from citizenship rights through the fetishization of those objects long denied to them: identity (ID) papers. In the early 20th century, shortly after the Argentinean state's military conquest of the region, government agents excluded these groups from hegemonic notions of nationality and citizenship because of their alleged savagery but simultaneously expected them to show written proofs of their reliability. In the following decades, this contradictory experience made many indigenous people view ID documents and other written records as objects with a force of their own, with the capacity to deflect state violence and shape major aspects of a group's collective history. Drawing on the concept of “state fetishism,” I analyze the peculiarities of ID-paper fetishism in the Chaco by focusing on the historical and current experiences of the western Toba and the Wichi. In particular, I explore how Toba and Wichi views of ID papers include ideological forms of reification of social practice but also critical interpretations that capture the power dynamics involved in state documentation.

In the wake of Barack Obama's 2009 ascension to the White House, stories questioning his citizenship slowly trickled into the mainstream. By 2011, “Birtherism”—the belief that Obama is constitutionally disqualified from holding Presidential office—was a principle aspect of public discourse. Through an analysis of online comments in The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal, I analyze how dominant understandings of citizenship, race, class, and civil rights structure public navigation of “Birther” claims. I find the presence of several “narratives of belonging”—shared stories that people socially construct to account for who they are, how the world works, and where different people belong. These narratives reveal the sustained conflation of citizenship with an ideal or “hegemonic” form of white racial identity.

In this exposition we articulate and question our own artistic working process and aesthetic, while exploring how we can make the making of work matter as much as the documents that are made afterwards. We use the remnants of the making of a performance, which began as a dialogue, to make a new performance, with images and words which we take apart and put back together. The act of talking is transcribed, then transformed then transcribed again to be reflected upon now. By exploring the materiality of the paper we read and write on, and examining how it is made, we question the hegemony of text and the pressure we are all under in the Academy to produce evermore outputs. We investigate the complex relationship between practice and research and question whether we can make and think, create and theorise, do and write about doing, without devaluing one and prioritising the other. As practitioner-researchers, we have been collaborating for the last eight years to produce a series of short performance installations called Brief Encounters (or The Breaking of Images). Drawing inspiration from makers and thinkers alike (from Francis Alÿs to Brian Massumi, from the Gutai Group to Rebecca Schneider), we have presented work around the UK, Finland and in the Netherlands. We have tended to prepare our work at length, engaging with the places in which we find ourselves, only to perform it for a few minutes before removing (or attempting to remove) all traces of it. By removing (nearly) all traces of it, we lose evidence of our process. The making that happened in the performance, it seems, matters no more. We are interested in thinking about how we might make it matter still without compromising what was made in the first place, without devaluing the act of performance. So we set out to ask here: how can we celebrate the making while thinking about how and why the making was made? How can we keep the making and thinking about making critical and creative at the same time?

Nwando Achebe. Farmers, Traders, Warriors, and Kings: Female Power and Authority in Northern Igboland, 1900-1960. Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 2005. Glossary. Index. Bibliography. No price reported. Paper. This study of female power among northern Igbo of the old Nsukka Division of southeastern Nigeria contains many features of a model feminist historical analysis. Achebe examines women's spiritual power, female economics, and political power during three historic periods-precolonial, early colonial, and late colonial to postcolonial. In addition to drawing on archives, dissertations, government reports, and the diverse publications on the northern Igbo, she makes extensive use of taped life histories and other oral accounts. Copious footnotes include numerous interviews, mostly of women, with all of her interviewees and assistants acknowledged over the lengthy periods of research in 1996 and 1998. Achebe calls those interviewed "collaborators," a better term than the older anthropological "informants," with its hegemonic implications. The book is enriched with sometimes lengthy excerpts from her collaborators, and it is delightfully sprinkled with Igbo proverbs and sayings in Igbo with English translations; there is a strong sense of the African voice. While Achebe is not from the northern Igbo area, but from farther south, she spent a good many years at Nsukka and has full control of the northern dialect. Certain key themes appear again and again: that of female husbands, either dedicated to a female shrine or married to other females, as well as the distinction between gender as cultural behavior and sex. Another theme is that androcentric colonialism and Christianity limited women's roles beyond the family, though not always successfully. To counter this tendency, Achebe adopts an "African/female-centric methodology" (98). The introductory chapter explores Achebe's field experiences, her scholarly background, and issues that arise in feminist historical studies. She views herself as both insider and outsider in her research. The following chapter offers a good critique of previous literature on the area, supporting the charge of androcentricity. Northern Igbo is complex, with a mixed cultural history. There were early influences from the Igbo civilization of Nri to the southwest, Igala pressure from the northwest, the impact of the Idoma area in the north, and of Arochukwu to the southeast. As a consequence, many of the cases of female activities are specific to the village or village group. Achebe points out that the major northern Igbo spiritual forces have been female. She details women's relationships to theseincluding the warrior goddess, Nimu Rome, and the women-marrying spirit Efuru and her female dedicatees-and she writes of four female diviners and healers. I wonder why it is that in a patrilineal society so many spiritual forces are female, but Achebe does not discuss this. She writes little, too, of ancestral spirits, in contrast to their importance in most Igbo societies. Is there no belief, as elsewhere in Igboland, in female reincarnation through ancestors? Achebe then traces northern Igbo economy through time. She shows that while men mostly grow yams, the basic foodstuffs for the family and for trade have been the products of female labor. Women kept the proceeds of the sale of crops and crafts for their family and their own use, not turning them over to husbands. There is a good section on northern Igbo women's weaving, leaving me to wonder why both northern Igbo and Akwete Igbo weaving is done by females and on vertical looms, while virtually all other Nigerian weaving is by males on horizontal ones, a question the author does not deal with. Women also play a major role in pottery production and trade, both of which loom large in the female economy. As in the case of weaving, in recent years both males and commercial products have intruded into this sphere. Northern Igbo markets have been controlled by women. …

Historians of cartography have observed that the proliferation of maps and mural map cycles in 16th century Italy is evidently intertwined with the shifting configurations of political and territorial hegemony that mark the early modern period. These maps trace and celebrate the expansion of Europe into Africa, Asia, and the Americas, and document claims to territorial possessions within both Europe and its newfound lands. They appear in paintings as accoutrements of political power, they fresco the walls of the private quarters and public chambers of powerful rulers and regimes. Most of them use Ptolemaic techniques to create mathematically proportioned projections and scales; the resulting precisions imply that the jurisdictions and polities they document are precise and "real"that they are legitimate and historically stable and continuous. But frequently these maps are in fact graphic representations of what Eric Wolf once called "imagined entities," rather than actual jurisdictions or polities. As such, they are polemical and controversial-fluid rather than frozen in time and space. In this paper for Salvatore I want to look at

The particular clashes and skirmishes of the ‘Great Debate’ may be over now, but it’s hard not to hear that the education system is still ‘in crisis’. The administrative machinery of funding, examinations and school government is being stripped down and reassembled. The Tory Right still raises the occasional brouhaha about ‘standards’. Battered groupings of Left teachers are renewing their exhortations to rally against the ‘attack on education’. Academic observers burrow after the source of the crisis — in the crisis of capitalism, in changes in the labour process and the problems of youth unemployment, in the breakdown of social democratic hegemony. Meanwhile, teachers caught up in all this are liable to lose (at best) their autonomy or (at worst) their jobs. In this hubbub of theoretical debate and political struggle it is difficult to stop and ask the quiet, outrageous question: ‘What crisis?’. I’m not saying that there have not been some fundamental changes; some basic contradictions are now clearly having their effect. The trouble is that ‘crisis’ is such a loose and baggy notion that it can hold a whole range of undifferentiated changes. That’s why I want to ask which things have changed, and how, and why.