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Research on political representation demonstrates that the presence of historically underrepresented groups in political office (descriptive representation) can have not only a substantive impact on policies and procedures but also a symbolic impact that changes the attitudes and even behavior of those groups. The dynamics of group identity and its significance for representation, however, are complicated. Individuals often hold multiple identities, and the meanings attached to those identities may vary in relation to each other and to the particular political context. In this article, we provide an intersectional analysis of two minoritized ethno-racial groups, African Americans and Latinos/as. Using data from the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey, we explore the extent to which shared identity matters for perceptions of representation. Our findings demonstrate that while shared identity does influence perceptions of representation, the impact varies in complicated ways that are simultaneously raced and gendered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is often assumed that Latinos in the United States are deeply religious, and that this religious identity plays an important role in shaping their political beliefs and behaviors. A more controversial though unexplored proposition is that Latinos may not be as religious as is commonly believed and that forces beyond their religiosity play more prominent roles in shaping their political engagement. Relying on data from the 2006 Latino National Survey, we examine secularism — measured by church attendance — and civic engagement among Latinos. Our efforts are to analyze the social forces that shape levels of religiosity and find that generational status plays a significant role. Additionally, we further find that while church attendance declines among later generations, second and third generation Latinos have higher levels of civic engagement than their first generation peers, indicating that a decline in church participation does not depress political participation among later generations of Latinos. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Previous communication studies have noted the importance of descriptive representation for increasing elected officials' discussion of women's and minority issues. While increased attention to these issues is important for the symbolic representation of these politically marginalized groups, women's and minority issues often constitute a minor portion of representatives' agendas. Strategically, female, Latino, and African American U.S. House members may provide greater symbolic representation for women and minorities by including their interests and concerns in discussion of more general issues that commonly top the political agenda. Relying on a content analysis of 101 official congressional Web sites, the author examines the extent to which representatives address the needs of their female and minority constituents in their general issue discussion. Results demonstrate that female, Latino, and African American House members more frequently connect general issues to race, ethnicity, and gender compared with their Anglo and male counterparts. The implications of representatives piggybacking the interests of female and minority constituents on more politically salient issues are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study adds to our knowledge of the naturalization process by considering the impact of political orientations in shaping the pursuit of U.S. citizenship among contemporary Latino and Latina immigrants. Methods: We draw on data from the 1999 Harvard/Kaiser/Washington Post “Latino Political Survey” and use ordered logistic regression analyses to test the effects of political orientations on immigrant naturalization. Results: Political orientations exert a powerful influence on naturalization beyond the traditional sociodemographic determinants. Furthermore, the impact of political orientations on naturalization varies by gender. Conclusions: Naturalization can be induced by stressing the importance of voting and being interested in politics. In addition, Latinas are more likely to pursue naturalization than Latinos and the factors driving their decisions systematically differ from those of their male counterparts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]