Search

This book charts the profound changes in British Christianity over the last century. It does so through the medium of diverse local case-studies, based on high quality new research. The ethnic diversification of British churches in the last fifty years is a key theme of the volume. Overall, the chapters show how secularization has had different trajectories in different parts of the country. Alongside this, the book charts the surprising desecularisation of parts of Britain in recent decades.

This book examines British eugenics from its origins in 1865 to the early 1990s. It considers the two institutions promoting the doctrine: the Galton Laboratory attached to the University of London; and the Eugenics Society. It charts internal and ideological changes across more than a century, seeing eugenics as primarily a political movement. The doctrine had influence on British society and guided adherents ranging from scientists to charitable ladies. The Galton Laboratory published detailed studies of heredity. It transformed itself into a centre for medical genetics after the Second World War. As early as the 1920s, the Eugenics Society was the mainspring of the doctrine, formulating what became the British version of an international ideology. It began as applied social Darwinism, later incorporating a greater degree of meritocracy and amelioration. Its support for sterilization in the 1930s eroded the kudos it had gained in policy-making circles. From the 1960s, organized eugenics was especially a forum for learned and popular discussion of biology and sociology. Medical advances after 1970 aided its continuation, notably the growth of assisted reproductive technologies. The book presents British eugenics as mostly shaped by domestic concerns, offering new revelations and interpretations with the capacity to readjust historical thinking. It also covers contemporary bioethical and political issues aligned to eugenics.

Stanley Rice, born in London in 1905, began his autobiography by stating that his life was ‘an ordinary average life with all its ups and downs'. Stanley may have described his life as ordinary, and yet he lived through a period of rapid social change, including two world wars. Despite this, Stanley assumed that his life story would be of little interest to most readers, as he had not achieved great fame or any notable accolades. This book argues that this is exactly why historians should focus on such life stories, as there is much to be gained by focusing on memories of ‘ordinary average lives', as they can expand our knowledge of the past, often revealing firsthand experiences that have been excluded from the historical record. This book does not intend to be a general social history of the working class. Rather, it is a work of memory, drawing upon a microhistory methodology to examine how a sample of one hundred working-class autobiographers remembered and wrote about living through years that were punctuated by two worldwide conflicts and a global economic depression.

This book takes a fresh approach to the London Blitz by viewing this time through individual local boroughs of the metropolis. The term ‘London Blitz'means that culturally we have become accustomed to understanding that the actual blitz experience was the same wherever in the capital one happened to be, despite some areas being hit more than others. This book illustrates how there were many London blitzes, not one, influenced by a myriad of metropolitan localities, and giving rise to an agency of locality that helped to shape the lived blitz experience. By walking through the streets of London, this book conducts a local area analysis, witnessing the blitz through six London localities, representative of the assorted administrative, economic, and socio-political variables prevalent in wartime London. Covering air raids alongside topics like the provision of shelters, homelessness, and communal feeding, it shows how any history of the London Blitz must acknowledge that it was an experience reflective of a varied metropolis.

This book presents the history of the Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts (CEMA) in Northern Ireland from its conception in 1943, and its successor organisation, the Arts Council of Northern Ireland (ACNI). Exploring the political and social impact of cultural policy in Northern Ireland, the book illustrates how the arts developed during the twentieth century and sheds light on the relationship between politics and culture. The author takes a closer look at the responsibilities of ACNI, and examines its interaction with the unionist government, which sought to influence how the organisation distributed its grants. Spanning the outbreak of the Troubles in the 1960s and the Peace Process in the 1990s, the ACNI evolved through a period of conflict and change, and therefore this book argues that there was an undeniable link between the changing political environment and the management of the arts in Northern Ireland. The arm's length principle is analysed in relation to ACNI, examining the influence that the state had upon its management and governance. Offering a unique historical overview of the arts in Northern Ireland, this interdisciplinary book fills a gap in Irish history and presents insights into cultural policy, conflict resolution and political history.

This book explores the political and ideological developments that resulted in the establishment of two separate states on the island of Ireland: the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland. It examines how this radical transformation took place, including how British Liberals and Unionists were as influential in the “two-state solution” as any Irish party. The book analyzes transformative events including the third home rule crisis, partition and the creation of Northern Ireland, and the Irish Free State's establishment through the Anglo-Irish Treaty. The policies and priorities of major figures such as H.H. Asquith, David Lloyd George, John Redmond, Eamon de Valera, Edward Carson, and James Craig receive prominent attention, as do lesser-known events and organizations like the Irish Convention and Irish Dominion League. The work outlines many possible solutions to Britain's “Irish question,” and discusses why some settlement ideas were adopted and others discarded. Analyzing publicdiscourse and archival sources, this monograph offers new perspectives on the Irish Revolution, highlighting in particular the tension between public rhetoric and private opinion.

This book explores the interests of British leaders, diplomats and consuls in the unifying of Italy. It is the first study to provide a comprehensive narrative of British policy on Italian affairs between the formation of the Kingdom of Italy in 1861 and its consolidation as a new nation-state through the acquisitions of Venice in 1866 and Rome in 1870. Commencing with an investigation of the place of Italy within the context of mid-Victorian Britain's global interests, the book investigates the origins of British sympathy for Italian nationalism during the 1850s, before charting the development of British foreign policy regarding Italy during its unification and consolidation. Emphasis is placed upon the tendency of British leaders and representatives to consider it their responsibility to guide the new Italy through its formative years, and upon their desire to draw Italy into a ‘special relationship'with Britain as the dominant power within the Mediterranean.

This book investigates how British diplomats in Tehran and London reacted to the overthrow of the Shah and the creation of an Islamic Republic in Iran, which had previously been a major political and commercial partner for London in the Middle East. Making substantial use of recently declassified archival material, the book explores the role of a significant diplomatic institution – the resident embassy – and the impact of revolutions on diplomatic relations. It evaluates the performance of those charged with British diplomacy during the Iranian Revolution, as Britain's position fell from favour under the post-revolutionary regime. Examining the views of key diplomatic personnel at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and British ministers, this study seeks to explain how British policy towards Iran was shaped and the means of diplomacy employed. In charting the evolution of Britain's diplomatic relationship with Iran during this period, a number of factors are considered, includinghistorical experience, geography, economics, world politics and domestic concerns. It also highlights the impact of events within the Iranian domestic political scene which were beyond London's control but which shaped British policy significantly.

This book analyses the perceived legitimacy of health and safety in post-1960 British public life. Since 2010 health and safety has appeared to be in crisis, being attacked by press, politicians and public alike, but are these claims of crisis accurate? How have understandings of health and safety changed over the past 60 years? By exploring the history, culture, and operation of health and safety in contemporary Britain, this book provides a new assessment of an understudied, but surprisingly far-reaching, part of the British political and social landscape. Combining archival research with focus group, social survey and oral history testimony, the book examines the historical background to health and safety, how health and safety has been enacted in public and in the workplace, the impact of changing economic, occupational and social structures on the operation of health and safety, and the conflicts and interests that have shaped the area.

This book explores the political ideas of the Belgian Revolution of 1830, which led to the break-up of the Restoration state of the ‘united'Kingdom of the Netherlands. It uncovers the origins of liberalism and political Catholicism in the Southern Netherlands in the wake of the French Revolution, and traces the development of political language in the context of the tensions between the Northern and Southern part of the united Netherlands. It shows how differences in ‘Dutch'and ‘Belgian'political and intellectual history resulted in different understandings of essential political concepts such as ‘sovereignty'and ‘balance of powers', as well as of the nature of the constitutional order of 1815. Finally, it traces the emergence of Belgian nationalism within the discourse of opposition against the government. Stefaan Marteel therefore provides a fresh perspective on the intellectual background of the rise of the nation-state in the nineteenth century.

This collection brings together leading and emerging scholars to evaluate the viability of four nations approaches to the history of the United Kingdom from the eighteenth to the twentieth century. It recognises the separate histories of England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales and explores the extent to which they share a common, ‘British'history. They are entwined, with the points at which they interweave and detach dependent upon the nature of our inquiry, where we locate our ‘core'and our ‘periphery', and the ‘cause'and ‘effect'of our subject.The collection demonstrates that four nations frameworks are relevant to a variety of topics and tests the limits of the methodology. The chapters illuminate the changing shape of modern British history writing, and provide fresh perspectives on subjects ranging from state governance, nationalism and Unionism, economics, cultural identities and social networking.

This book traces how Edward Heath and Margaret Thatcher, during their respective years as Conservative Opposition Leaders (1965-70 and 1975-79), managed their Party's attempts to ensure a return to government, each after two electoral defeats. They did so in the context of an emergent New Conservatism, championed by the likes of Enoch Powell, Keith Joseph and Nigel Lawson, which betokened a long-term change from the post-war Butskellite settlement. Against a national background of declining economic status, high inflation, debilitating public sector strikes and internal Conservative Party debates, particularly over industrial relations policy and monetarism, they adopted strikingly different approaches to policy-making in Opposition. The book illustrates how, paradoxically, Heath's technocratic over-prescription failed to save his eventual premiership, while Thatcher's under-committed policy design failed to impede her leading a purposeful and transformative government in the 1980s.

The Societies of Europe is a series of historical data handbooks on the development of Europe from the nineteenth to the twentieth century. The series is a product of the Mannheim Centre for Social research, a body dedicated to comparative research on Europe and one of the leading social research institutes in the world. It is a collection of datasets giving a clear and systematic study of long term developments in European society. The data is presented statistically and is clearly comparative. The Societies of Europe is the most comprehensive data series available on Western European social issues.

Based on an extensive range of sources, this impressive book analyses the principal institutions and features of British politics on the eve of reform: the monarchy, the prime ministership, the cabinet, the departments of State, parliamentary legislation, investigation, debate and parties, and the relationship between Parliament, the media, public opinion and popular politics. Designed to provide an accessible guide to how British politics was conducted in the early nineteenth century, this book leads to two main conclusions about pre-Reform politics: the unpredictability and openness of parliamentary affairs, and the centrality of Parliament to the politics of all social classes.

Provides a comprehensive chronological narrative of the history of the British Empire between 1815 and 1914, together with a more theoretical and reflective concluding chapter, thus giving an overview of British policy and action which takes account of the many factors underlying British expansion.

This book examines the role and place of the intellectual in twentieth-century French society. The essays are for the most part written by eminent French scholars and make available to the English-speaking reader a growing body of research which explores the ethical and historical issues raised by the prominence of the intellectual in politics since the Dreyfus Affair. The volume concludes with an examination of the contrasting and complementary roles of the French and British intellectual.

A team of leading scholars in the fields of Medieval Literature and History examine the origins of European ethnic groups which subsequently developed into the nations of Europe. The contributors look at evidence for the existence of an ethnic consciousness among the dominant European groups; this later formed the basis of nation states. The reconstruction and invention of the past by medieval writers in search of ethnic origins for their own particular political or tribal groups is also studied from a literary and historical point of view.

Escaping from narrative history, this book takes a deep look at the Catholic question in eighteenth-century Ireland. It asks how people thought about Catholicism, Protestantism and their society, in order to reassess the content and importance of the religious conflict. In doing this, Dr Cadoc Leighton provides a study of very wide appeal, which offers new and thought-provoking ways of looking not only at the eighteenth century but at modern Irish history in general. It also places Ireland clearly within the mainstream of European historical developments.

The varied cultural functions of dress, textiles, and clothwork are used in this collection of essays to examine long-standing assumptions about the Middle Ages. At one end of the spectrum, questions of dress call up feminist theoretical investigations into the body and subjectivity, while broadening those inquiries to include theories of masculinity and queer identity as well. At the other extreme, the production and distribution of textiles carries us into the domain of economic history and the study of material commodities, trade and cultural patterns of exchange within western Europe and between east and west. Contributors to this volume represent a broad array of disciplines currently involved in rethinking medieval culture in terms of the material world.

`What a pleasure to see this pathbreaking research in print! Karl Ittmann's analysis of Bradford pushes forward our knowledge of the quiet revolution in social habits which took place in the late nineteenth century. In particular, his ability to link the decline of marital fertility with the reorganisation of work and gender roles is exemplary. This book should be of interest to all specialists in Victorian social history.'- David Levine, The Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, Toronto Work, Gender and Family in Victorian England examines the impact of the Industrial Revolution upon the family and questions the extent to which ordinary working men and women shared the'Victorian values'and prosperity of their middle-class countrymen. The book focuses on the industrial town of Bradford, West Yorkshire, in the second half of the nineteenth century and traces how men and women and their families adapted to the new life brought by the rise of the mill and the city.

Great Britain was the preeminent capital exporter between 1865 and 1914 not only in the volume of investment but also in the industrial and geographical diversity of its capital outflows. This study furnishes comprehensive annual data on the magnitude, destination and composition of British capital exports. Individual country data as well as global, regional and Empire aggregates are provided. Supplemental analyses examine the security composition of the capital exports, the changing ranking of recipients, the use of government interest guarantees on loans and the distribution of interest rates on debentures by industry.

Charlemagne's Mustache presents the reader with seven engaging studies,'thick descriptions', of cultural life and thought in the Carolingian world. The author begins by asking questions. Why did Charlemagne have a mustache and why did hair matter? Why did the king own peacocks and other exotic animals? Why was he writing in bed and could he write at all? How did medieval kings become stars? How were secrets kept and conveyed in the early Middle Ages? And why did early medieval peoples believe in storm and hailmakers? The answers, he found, are often surprising.

This is a study of the words of political discourse in seventeenth-century England from which we now reconstruct its theories. Taking its starting point in modern theories of language,intellectual history is first reconceptualised. Part 1 presents an overview of the political domain in the seventeenth century arguing that what we see as the political was fugitive and subject to reductionist pressures from better established fields of discourse. Further, there were strong pressures leading towards an indiscriminate and relatively general vocabulary, in turn facilitating the imposition of our anachronistic images of political theory. Part 2 focuses on a sub-set of the political vocabulary, charting the changing relationships between the words subject, citizen, resistance, rebellion, the coinage of rhetorical exchange. The final chapter returns most explicitly to the themes of the introduction, by exploring how the historians own vocabulary can be systematically misleading when taken into the context of seventeenth-century word use.

During the early years of the Second World War, Britain devoted immense resources to building military bases in Egypt and Palestine. The political stability of the two countries was of prime concern to avoid diverting troops away from fighting the external enemy to internal security tasks. The paradox of Britain's eventual victory was that it could not perpetuate its political authority. Demands for independence intensified in Egypt and among Palestinian Jewry, and led to postwar struggles.

This challenging and original study examines the most important aspects of popular political culture in eighteenth-century Britain. The first part explores the way the British people could influence existing political institutions or could exploit their existing powers, by looking at the role of the people in parliamentary elections, in a wide range of pressure groups, in their local urban communities, and in popular demonstrations. The second part shows how the British people became increasingly politicised during the eighteenth century and how they tried to shape or defend their political world.

Between 1848 and 1866 the Zollverein went through a series of momentous crises and the issue of commercial organization became increasingly politicized. Austro-Prussian rivalry, industrialization, and liberalism, created a tense atmosphere in which Britain had enormous influence. Using a wide range of German and British sources this study shows how Britain, blindfolded by doctrinaire Free Trade and institutional inadequacy, failed to grasp the connotations of its own actions in the German states and how misinterpretation began to sour Anglo-German relations.

This book explores the revival under Edward VII of the ceremonial state visit by British monarchs, showing the impact and importance of active royal diplomacy during his reign. Using the Royal Archives, memoirs and newspapers, it reveals the contribution made by the use of ceremony and public display to popular appreciation of the monarchy.

Presenting a communicational perspective on the British empire in India during the 20th century, the book seeks to examine how, and explain why, British proconsuls, civil servants and even the monarch George V, as well as Indian nationalists, interacted with the media, primarily British and American, and with what consequences.

The Home Front in Britain explores the British Home Front in the last 100 years since the outbreak of WW1. Case studies critically analyse the meaning and images of the British home and family in times war, challenging prevalent myths of how working and domestic life was shifted by national conflict.

This book provides an important study of a short-lived government making foreign policy in the shadow of an impending general election. It considers Britain's relations with the United States, Africa, Asia and the Middle East.

Since its creation the British Olympic Association (BOA) has been one of the most important institutions in sports governance. In spite of its prominence there has hitherto been no single-volume history of the Association. This scholarly yet accessible study fills that gap, assessing the origins, evolution, strengths and shortcomings of the BOA.

This volume is devoted to the shaping of British foreign and defence policymaking in the twentieth century and illustrates why it's relatively easy for states to lose their way as they grope for a safe passage forward when confronted by mounting international crises and the antics of a few desperate men.

This cultural and political study examines British perceptions and policies on India's Afghan Frontier between 1918 and 1948 and the impact of these on the local Pashtun population, India as a whole, and the decline of British imperialism in South Asia.

Drawing on a wide range of British and Argentine sources, this book highlights the importance of the neglected 1960s as the decade in which the dormant Falklands (Malvinas) dispute became reactivated, developing into a dynamic set of bilateral negotiations on the question of sovereignty.

This collection of essays focuses Britain's role in global affairs since the Second World War. The essays cover a broad field, from relations with Japan and China, through European and African developments, to defence planning in Whitehall.

An in-depth analysis of Great Britain's policy in the oil-rich Persian Gulf region during the last years of British imperialism in the area, covering the period from the independence of Kuwait to the decision of the Wilson Government to withdraw from the Gulf.

Covering the period between the Munich Agreement and the Communist Coup in February 1948, this groundbreaking work offers a novel, provocative analysis of the political activities and plans of the Czechoslovak exiles during and after the war years, and of the implementation of the plans in liberated Czechoslovakia after 1945.

This book examines the partnerships between Britain's famed redcoats and the foreign corps that were a consistent and valuable part of Britain's military endeavors in the eighteenth century. While most histories have portrayed these associations as fraught with discord, a study of eyewitness accounts tells a different story.

The killing of new-born children is an intensely emotional and emotive subject. The hidden nature of this crime has made it an area incredibly difficult subject area for historians to approach up until now. This work provides the first detailed history of infanticide in mainland Britain from 1600 to the modern era.

A new exploration of the relationship between the Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan administrations in domestic policy. Using recently released documentary material and extensive research interviews, James Cooper demonstrates how specific policy transfer between these'political soul mates'was more limited than is typically assumed.

British Images of Germany is the first full-length cultural history of Britain's relationship with Germany in the key period leading up to the First World War. Richard Scully reassesses what is imagined to be a fraught relationship, illuminating the sense of kinship Britons felt for Germany even in times of diplomatic tension.

This book uncovers practices surrounding acts of collecting, surveying, and antiquarianism during British colonial rule in India. By examining these practices, this book traces the colonial conditions of the production of'sources,'the forging of a new historical method, and the ascendance of positivist historiography in nineteenth-century India.

A major academic controversy has raged in recent years over the analysis of the political and religious commitments of Samuel Johnson, the most commanding of the'commanding heights'of eighteenth-century English letters. This book, one of a trilogy from Palgrave, brings that debate to a decisive conclusion, retrieving the'historic Johnson.'

The book brings together for the first time John Addington Symonds'key writings on homosexuality, and the entire correspondence between Symonds and Havelock Ellis on the project of Sexual Inversion. The source edition contains a critical introduction to the sources.

Highlighting the contributions of feminist media history to media studies and related disciplines, this book focuses on feminist periodicals emerging from or reacting to the Edwardian suffrage campaign and situates them in the context of current debates about the public sphere, social movements, and media history.

Mohammed Bashir Salau addresses the neglected literature on Atlantic Slavery in West Africa by looking at the plantation operations at Fanisau in Hausaland, and in the process provides an innovative look at one piece of the historically significant Sokoto Caliphate.

This edited volume brings together a collection of provocative essays examining a number of different facets of Elizabethan foreign affairs, encompassing England and The British Isles, Europe, and the dynamic civilization of Islam. As an entirely domestic queen who never physically left her realm, Elizabeth I cast an inordinately wide shadow in the world around her. The essays is this volume collectively reveal a queen and her kingdom much more connected and integrated into a much wider world than usually discussed in conventional studies of Elizabethan foreign affairs.

In Robert Southey, Andrews argues that Robert Southey's denunciation of global Catholicism is essential to understanding his life, works, and times. On this issue, Southey was absolutely consistent in all his work and the Poet Laureate's partisan rhetoric reveals much about the religious culture of this stormy period in England.