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This paper is an examination of the history of Scottish religious education (RE). Focusing on 1962–1992, it distinguishes the temporal processes that unfolded during this period to identify the circumstances that led to a serious case of neglect of the subject, especially in the non-denominational sector. Next, it highlights the less emphasised but important issue of how RE ‘survived’ in public education, going on to explicate the antecedents of a paradigm shift in the subject. Finally, curriculum reforms undertaken in the subject from the 1980s onwards are described, showing how these reforms helped to transform Scottish RE into an ‘academic’ subject well aligned with the curricular principles of ‘5–14’, the country’s first (1992) ‘educational’ RE programme. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Although engineering education has played important roles in China’s growing power and influence on the world stage, engineering education policy since the Reform and Opening-up in the late 1970s has not been well documented in current English-language scholarship. Informed by historical and sociological studies of education, engineering and engineering education, this paper attempts to address this scholarly gap by relating contemporary Chinese engineering education policy-making to its broader historical, cultural and ideological contexts. Based on analysis of policy documents and reports released by the Chinese government and engineering schools, and drawing on prior scholarship of Chinese (engineering) education policy, this paper employs the concept of ‘past/forward’ as an analytic lens to interpret and understand four major areas of engineering education policy change in contemporary China: institutional reform, disciplines and majors, training objectives, and curriculum reform. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Through the example of the establishment, functioning, and closing of bilingual schools during the Soviet occupation of Hungary, this paper aims to introduce this segment of public education in Central-Eastern Europe. In the period between 1945 and 1989, the learning of Russian as a compulsory subject was introduced, teaching other languages was restricted, and Hungarian-Russian bilingual schools were launched. The features of their establishment can be connected to political and professional power relations in different sub-periods within the structures of closed language policy. The objective in both states was the education of committed political elite. The first school was established by direct political control and closed because of the 1956 revolution. The second school was established in 1974, through professional and political compromises. The third school opened at the end of the period, as part of a top-down development project involving 14 schools. A number of European target languages (still including Russian) were introduced, which can be regarded as the opening up of language education policy. Relying on sources, documents, and personal recollections, the study aims to reveal the dynamics of the interrelations between controlled language education, University and the changes in Hungarian economic, social, domestic, and foreign policy in the given periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trabajos y Comunicaciones is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to highlight the prominence and relevance attached by the Franco dictatorial regime to emotions and sentiments in primary education textbooks. The authors of school textbooks employed a singular writing style, which enabled them to permeate the regime's ideology within the primary education community and classroom. Overcoming the censorship of their textbooks lent the authors a measure of authority derived from the government, increasing the schoolbook's relevance as the instructional resource par excellence. The sentimental narrative, reinforced by figurative, pseudo-poetic language and precise instructions on how and what to feel, represents prescriptive texts and reveals the objective of emotionally homogenising and indoctrinating the children in order to socialise them politically and religiously, moulding their socio-political self and identity within the pattern established. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the process of production and regulation of school textbooks in Poland under communist rule. The stages of textbook approval were as follows: selection of authors; editorial work at the publishing house; discussions in the commissions of the Ministry of Education; decisions of the censorship office. It is argued that the Polish United Workers’ Party (i.e. the Polish communist party) played a dominant role at every step of this process. The question of possible influence of the Soviet communists is also addressed. Some changes in the textbook approval process are traced in time, with emphasis put on sustainability of the principle of dominant position of the party. The constraints of power of the communist regime in the field of education are briefly discussed, with the human factor given most serious consideration. There had always been a shortage of people, from the party’s point of view, ready to implement rules, and far too many of those who undermined them. This analysis is based on the archival holdings of the Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of Poland and of the censorship office. Teachers’ press and other publications dealing with school textbooks and history of education in the People’s Poland have also been used. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Greek historiography of interwar education policy unproblematically accepts the assumption that the bone of contention between the ‘Liberal demoticists’ and the ‘Conservative purists’ was the language issue; particularly whetherdemoticorkatharevousashould be the language of instruction in schooling. This paper aims to challenge this assumption arguing that neither were the camps as homogeneous as has been traditionally assumed nor was the language what ultimately provoked the controversy. What was at stake here was the national and social ideology of education. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyses the creation of the schools called ikastolas throughout the Basque Country from the 1960s onwards. The name ikastola refers to a unique school model whose major characteristic is to teach the majority of subjects in the Basque language, or euskera. It outlines the reasons why some of these schools took a co-operative organisational form and describes their major characteristics. The first part analyses the opportunities created under the Francoist regime for this kind of school, despite the repressive character of the dictatorship in other fields. The second part of the paper examines the important influence of the Mondragón co-operative movement, especially through its financial institution, in the creation of these educational co-operatives. The third and last part emphasises the role played by social mobilisation in defence of the Basque language in the creation of these schools and how this factor tied in with a co-operative governance system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the role of physical education in Labour Universities (1955–1978) during Franco’s regime as an instrument of indoctrination and declassing of the working class. The conclusions obtained after the study and the analysis of various primary sources indicate that, initially, physical education was used as an instrument of indoctrination for the purposes of achieving the social and ideological model of Franco’s regime after the Fascist uprising (1936–1939). However, this initial orientation became less relevant in the 1960s, in favour of the inherent aspects of sport, which contributed to the declassing of the young workers. In fact, Labour Universities became national benchmarks in the area of sports within the education system. Physical education lost its indoctrinating and declassing roles after the General Law of Education was passed in 1970, and the focus shifted instead to its role as an activity for participation, education and comprehensive training. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Intersecoes: Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinares is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study tries to make a revision of the conflicts, negotiations and coexistences that characterized the configuration of the pedagogical field in Argentina during the 1930s, as well as recognizing the place that the New School occupied in it. This school of thought was not totally consistent as a whole: in fact, there was a wide range of interpretations about these ideas. In the Argentine pedagogical field of this decade, the relationship between the State and the educationalists who promoted New School's ideas was not always characterized by imposition or transgression. The New School wasn't an outsider in the educational system and the educational policy received its influence. Argentine promoters of New School that gathered around La Obra tried to present themselves as innovators in terms of pedagogical knowledge in order to appear as the only group capable of transforming the educational system as well as the only qualified to become spokesman for all the teachers in the country. This paper will analyze the underlying logic of the speeches of teachers and educationalists. It will be stated throughout this article that even though the Argentine pedagogical field had close connections with politics, it also followed its own path. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on the everyday operation of primary schools in Czechoslovakia during the so-called Prague Spring and the subsequent communist political clampdown after the invasion by the Warsaw Pact forces. The authors focus primarily on the experiences of teachers, how events in this complex period affected their professional lives, and how the renewal of totalitarian power was reflected in their work. The research is based on oral history as a method which enabled us to acquire unique knowledge concerning the work and life of teachers in the period under study. Findings from extensive archival research are also an important part of the research. These show that during the Prague Spring, as in Czechoslovak society as a whole, the socio-political climate in primary schools relaxed and communist power weakened, as reflected both in school operation and in-class instruction. After the Warsaw Pact invasion in August 1968, the regime became stricter again in schools and elsewhere (similar to before the onset of the Prague Spring). This was manifested especially in the constant control of teachers’ activities during the Prague Spring, in their persecution, and through the increasing emphasis on ideological aspects of teacher training and pupil formation through instruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay investigates the emergence of a profusion of lay and specialist literature in the late 1950s United States advocating on behalf of “gifted” and “academically talented” students. This call to reform schools around individual differences in “intelligence” was associated in its moment with the Sputnik crisis and the passage of the National Defense Education Act (NDEA). The essay demonstrates, however, that the emergence of intensified interest in education for the “academically talented” was actually closely coterminous with Brown v. Board of Education and should also be understood in the context of early efforts to desegregate the public schools. It holds that a closer look at the NDEA—and a supporting body of literature working in tandem with it—reveals continuities in psychometric conceptions of “intelligence” and testing from the interwar period into the post–World War II era. This essay thus makes contributions to the historiographies of the Cold War, civil rights, psychometrics, and education in the 1950s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study draws from histories of “educationalisation” and neo-Foucaultian histories of English teaching in an archival analysis that revisits landmark pedagogical texts that coincided with the rapid expansion of the school subject English in between the 1894 Report of the Committee of Ten and 1918 Cardinal Principles of Secondary Education. The archival analysis considers these two reform documents along with the first comprehensive books on English teaching, which were published between the 1890s and 1920s. The study’s analysis adopts a selective focus on their explicit aims and rationales for teaching English, particularly in secondary schools, and the pedagogic logics and practices by which English was imagined as a governmental response to various social problems. This archival work recovers the largely overlooked ways in which the teaching of English was positioned to improve the moral and social condition of the population, to develop youths’ capacities for self-governance, to professionalise teaching through the psychological sciences, and to include “problem” populations within the corrective spaces of the English classroom. It also illustrates how distinctive approaches to teaching English language and literature were understood to attune youths’ “souls” to a range of governmental norms. This study bridges ideas from two historical literatures in order to unearth “educationalisation” problematics and “governmental” practices that traditional histories of English teaching have largely obscured, particularly in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Until around 10 years ago, the conventional wisdom in educational historiography held that the start of the Civil War (1936–1939), marking as it did the placing of education at the service of the war effort, involved a rupture, in both the Republican government and the “rebel” or Franco camp, with the preceding years as to the educational politics and the pedagogical discourses. However, in the last few years a number of works have been published which, without denying the changes that undoubtedly occurred, emphasise the continuities in the discourses. This article sets out to elucidate and clarify just what there was of rupture and or continuity in educational politics and politico-pedagogical discourses during the years of the Civil War. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This essay traces the bilingual education movement that began in Tucson through the efforts of local teachers, university faculty and educational leaders. It is argued that Mexican Americans and their allies played a crucial role in promoting the merits of bilingual education at the local, state and national levels. Their advocacy of Spanish-for-Spanish-speakers programmes as a culturally relevant means of improving educational outcomes for Mexican American students led to a push for bilingual education with the support of the National Education Association. The work that educators from Tucson accomplished focused national attention on the education of Mexican Americans and ultimately contributed to the passage of the Bilingual Education Act of 1968. This legislation sparked a national movement to expand bilingual education programmes throughout the Southwest and other parts of the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the establishment of legally mandated Protestant training in the Australian state of Victoria and the Canadian province of Ontario. Fearing moral decay at home and a menacing world environment seemingly unfavourable to the ‘British way of life’ in the 1940s, educators asserted that religion, and specifically Protestant Christianity, was the only means by which the moral core of their British democracy could be preserved. The teaching of religious instruction was highly controversial in both places. Supporters of the new curriculum believed the religious courses would strengthen the British identity and moral backbone of the Canadian and Australian nations, while opponents argued that imposing religion in the classroom was antithetical to British ideals of freedom and toleration. Educators struggled to reconcile these divergent views on how religion fitted into a wider British identity, and the resulting tension exposed the points of ethnic and cultural fracture that undermined the credibility of Britishness after 1950. The very efforts to impose a unifying sense of Britishness were so controversial and problematic that they ultimately required an alternative understanding of what it meant to be a citizen of Ontario or Victoria. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The negotiation to end apartheid – which was initiated in secret in the 1980s – solidified in the 1990s when FW de Klerk unbanned the African National Congress (ANC), South African Communist Party (SACP), Pan African Congress (PAC) and other political and social movements, as well as struggle icons, prominent among whom was Mandela. The South African Democratic Teachers’ Union (SADTU) emerged within the euphoria surrounding Mandela’s release and the negotiations to end apartheid. SADTU combined its educational struggles with the political struggle to end apartheid rule. Drawing on documentary (mainly archival), newspaper reports and oral evidence, this article examines SADTU’s struggles for recognition, its resistance against education restructuring, and its defiance campaign against inspection from 1990–1993. I suggest that SADTU’s contentions during the period were rooted in the political struggle to end apartheid rule since it regarded the apartheid education departments as illegitimate structures needing to be dismantled. In addition, the socio-economic undercurrents that characterized the transition were carried into education restructuring and thus pushed SADTU into militancy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This contribution looks into nationalization and education in European borderlands in the early post-World War II period. Belonging to Belgium and Poland, respectively, in the interwar years, the Eupen–St. Vith–Malmedy and the East-Upper Silesia regions came under German rule during World War II. Returned to the Belgian and Polish nation-states once the war was over, the regions experienced a pronounced upheaval in the population profile as a result of population transfers and reorientations in education curricula. The aim of these measures was to guarantee the national reliability of borderland inhabitants, with a special role being designated for teachers, who were perceived as crucial in the raising of children as national citizens imbued with certain core values. This contribution compares the methods employed by the authorities in selecting educational personnel for their borderlands, the nationalizing role teachers were to play and the way teachers gave meaning to their professional practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Palestinian nationalists in Mandate Palestine, British education policy was a source of constant frustration. The shortage of schools, the lack of local control over the curriculum, and the marginalization and de-politicization of Palestinian history constituted major grievances. Proceedings from the Peel Commission reveal much about the rationale behind this policy, particularly the bias toward "rural" education and the attempts to control teachers. Drawing on and complementing the work of A.L. Tibawi, this article seeks to shed light on the nationalists' protests by examining both the responses of officials brought before the Commission, as well as the government's history curriculum during the Mandate. In doing so, the research shows that education policy was constructed to maintain the underdevelopment of Palestine and to hinder state-building efforts that could compete with those of the Zionists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study looks at some of the traits that characterized Argentina's scientific and university policies under the military regime that spanned from 1976 through 1983. To this end, it delves into a rarely explored empirical observation: financial resource transfers from national universities to the National Scientific and Technological Research Council (CONICET, for its Spanish acronym) during that period. The intention is to show how, by reallocating funds geared to Science and Technology, CONICET was made to expand and decentralize to the detriment of universities. This was the primary tool used by the military regime to thwart higher education's research development, bolstering research efforts at other realms. Thus, CONICET grew in budget, number of researchers, and staff size, creating new research institutes, while national universities struggled with reduced funding and were forced to shut down their institutes and programs. As a result, CONICET virtually concentrated all scientific research, foregoing the knowledge accumulated at universities, which drove a wedge between both institutions. This military approach to science and technology policy-making is discussed, bearing in mind the notion of dependence-both in terms of the state's intervention in the inner workings of the scientific-university field as well as regarding the role played by international financial support in scientific research development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Chinese government's efforts to develop Y-10 commercial airplanes from the 1950s through the 1970s. The role that the Chinese ruler Mao Zedong's government policies, including China's economic policy, played in China's failure to develop Y-10 airplanes is discussed. The article relies heavily on what is referred to as the Determinant Model of the economist Michael Porter. The relationship between China and the Soviet Union, including the former's purchasing of high technology from the latter, also discussed. An overview of the impact that Mao's education policies had on China's ability to develop commercial airplanes is provided.