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The article discusses the history of the journal from the mid 1970s through 2018, including its support for U.S. conservative legal arguments and its development by Harvard Law School students. An overview of the relationship between liberal and conservative legal scholarship in U.S. academia and higher education, is provided.

One may isolate recurring conceptual nodules in the work of some political historians so as to configure a model for conservative thinking. The notion of 'genealogy ' exposes the relational nature of political conservatism, and emphasizes both its agonistic character and institutional anchorage. One may then hypothesize a 'conservative moment' which would correspond to an institutional refashioning. Such an hypothesis dilutes the protagonism of individual subjects and questions the constituent power of a conservative corpus of ideas, except for the one discernible in constitutional affairs. Instead of importing those ideas into a coup d'etat, a genealogical approach reverses the argument and suggests that the dictatorship illuminates the past, bestowing a unifying articulation and meaning to authors who, in spite of their affinities, exhibit significant differences. This genealogical approach also sidelines notions like 'corpus of ideas' or 'models of thought' that pertain to the philosophy of mind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Applying a dynamic latent-variable model to data on 148 policies collected over eight decades (1936-2014), we produce the first yearly measure of the policy liberalism of U.S. states. Our dynamic measure of state policy liberalism marks an important advance over existing measures, almost all of which are purely cross-sectional and thus cannot be used to study policy change. We find that, in the aggregate, the policy liberalism of U.S. states steadily increased between the 1930s and 1970s and then largely plateaued. The policy liberalism of most states has remained stable in relative terms, though several states have shifted considerably over time. We also find surprisingly little evidence of multidimensionality in state policy outputs. Our new estimates of state policy liberalism have broad application to the study of political development, representation, accountability, and other important issues in political science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Roger Scruton's philosophical enterprise is an effort to “save the appearances” of value in the human world that elude scientific explanation. The meaning of the human things appears only to a first-person perspective, which is incommensurable with the objective perspective of cause and effect. To make sense of our experience requires a “cognitive dualism” that can account for the human or “lifeworld” as well as physical reality. Ranging rather indiscriminately over Scruton's diverse writings, I expound the unifying conception of personhood that makes them a coherent whole and also serves as the touchstone for Scruton's conservative critique of liberal theory and practice. Some questions are raised about that two-dimensional critique, about its separation into “metaphysical” and “empirical” components, and about whether the latter does or doesn't “operationalize” the former. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the intellectual efforts in Turkey aiming at hegemonizing conservative democracy by diversifying and deepening its equivocal content vis-à-vis challenging alternatives. While globally acclaimed as an evidence of the compatibility of Islam and democracy, this article will try to show that, the real test is whether the Muslim circles will be able to overcome the limits of conservative democracy for a full-fledged democratization. Only then it is possible to build new discourses internalizing the diversity and hybridity of Turkey that is a sine qua non for the consolidation of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article reports on a conference on negative images and stereotypes about liberalism, held in Gummersbach, Germany, from March 7-9, 2013. Covering the period from the Napoleonic Wars to 2013 and focusing primarily on German-speaking Europe, participants discussed such topics as political and economic facets of conservative attitudes toward liberalism, anti-parliamentary Communist visual propaganda in the interwar period, and the ordoliberal school of economics.

The article focuses on how the public and private sector in the U.S. have become increasingly intertwined and dependent on each other. The author argues that since the advent of the internet, the boundaries between government and individual rights has blurred. He discusses public discourse, liberalism, and conservatism, and analyzes how changes in the public and private realms have impacted Social Security Numbers (SSNs), privacy, and cybersecurity.

An essay is presented which examines the relationship between political and religious thought in the U.S. during the New Deal era, or 1930s, and explores the origins of fundamentalist antiliberalism. Particular focus is given to how the foreign policies of U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt (FDR) influenced fundamentalist theology. It also analyzes topics including political conservatism, apocalyptic thought, and premillennialism.

An essay is presented in response to the essay "Conservatism: A State of the Field," by Kim Phillips-Fein, published elsewhere in the issue. It analyzes Phillips-Fein's examination of the field of the history of U.S. conservatism and its historiography. The author comments on conflicts between liberal and conservative ideologies. He also reflects on conservative coalitions in politics and distinctions between moderate and extreme conservatism.

An essay is presented in response to the essay "Conservatism: A State of the Field," by Kim Phillips-Fein, published elsewhere in the issue. It analyzes Phillips-Fein's examination of the field of the history of U.S. conservatism and its historiography. The author comments on the definition of “conservative" and the notion of “limited government.” He also discusses the ways in which liberalism and conservatism have changed over time.

Much recent literature plumbs the question of the origins and trajectories of 'place,' or the cultural development of space-specific repertoires of action and meaning. This article examines divergence in two 'places' that were once quite similar but are now quite far apart, culturally and politically speaking. Vermont, once considered the 'most Republican' state in the United States, is now generally considered one of its most politically and culturally liberal. New Hampshire, by contrast, has remained politically and socially quite conservative. Contrasting legacies of tourist promotion, political mobilization, and public policy help explain the divergence between states. We hypothesize that emerging stereotypes about a 'place' serve to draw sympathetic residents and visitors to that place, thus reinforcing the salience of those stereotypes and contributing to their reality over time. We term this latter process idio-cultural migration and argue its centrality to ongoing debates about the accomplishment of place. We also elaborate on several means by which such place 'reputations' are created, transmitted, and maintained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an examination of the history of political conservatism in the United States and also explores how historians have approached the history of political conservatism in the U.S. Historians in the 1980s ushered in a new phase of U.S. political history that focused on the rise of conservatism in the Cold War era in addition to the role of conservatism and the conservative tradition in the U.S. The article also discusses issues that helped promote conservatism in the 20th century such as the rise of anti-communism, the impact of evangelical religious leaders, the growth of agribusiness and a general backlash against the New Deal and Great Society liberalism.

An introduction to the journal is presented which discusses historical events which influenced political ideologies particularly communism, liberalism, and conservatism.

Characterizes the Hungarian liberals' and conservatives' intellectual horizons and value systems between 1830 and 1848. Representation of two different modernization strategies; Concepts of national character; Perceptions of adversaries.