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The notion that the Howard Government (1996-2007) used silencing dissent within Australian civil society as a key tool of political control is not new and has been explored elsewhere. This paper argues that while the Howard Government demonstrated a weakening support for civil society organisations and attempted to delegitimise the role of Non-Government Organisations (NGOs) in the public sphere, the Abbott Government displayed some significant differences. Their approach moved beyond this to undermine key elements of Australian democracy. The government attempted to shrink, delegitimise and criminalise the advocacy and democratic purposes of NGOs and civil society. Crucial access to the judicial system for NGOs was limited by defunding of organisations that supported civil society to access legal mechanisms. In this way, the independence of the public service and of universities was challenged and compromised. These actions suggest a waning commitment to a public battle of ideas and a rethinking of the relationship between government, citizens and civil society. In this case, it represents a significant attempt to re-mark Australian democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

States often face immigration 'control dilemmas' between popular pressures for tighter immigration controls versus economic pressures for more liberal work visa controls. Using a systematic process analysis of recent policy developments in Australia, this article argues that the Howard government's large expansion of 'wanted' forms of immigration hinged upon its ability to control 'unwanted' forms of immigration. The concept of 'control signals' is introduced to account for the government's success in exiting an immigration control dilemma, which allowed it to pursue skilled immigration reforms that would have otherwise proven difficult. A research agenda is established for examining the conditions under which the use of control signals is likely to be successful and for applying the concept to other realms of public policy where states face control dilemmas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Howard government's foreign policy objectives concerning East Timor remain the subject of intense historical debate. Given that some Indonesians harbour suspicions about Australia's role in East Timor's independence, it is important to reflect on Australia's diplomacy throughout this period. This article draws on 15 interviews with former politicians and officials—including Prime Minister John Howard and Foreign Minister Alexander Downer—to argue that in 1998, Australia's foreign policy was focused on supporting Indonesia's democratisation process and maintaining the bilateral relationship. It was only when Indonesia moved towards a ‘special status’ of autonomy for East Timor that Australia reconsidered its own position. Although rarely acknowledged, Australia's policy shift actually precipitated outcomes that it had sought to avoid. As such, Habibie's decision to allow self-determination in East Timor can only be viewed as an unintended consequence of Australian diplomacy—independence was never the objective of Australian foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article describes the politics of abortion during the Howard years (1996–2007) as a time of significant turbulence. It considers four separate significant developments in abortion discourse in the actions of federal and state governments and parliaments and in the publication of an influential anti-abortion text. It argues that while support for women's choice as a framework for understanding abortion prevailed during the Howard years, the definition of what an abortion is changed significantly towards an experience that is contrary to, rather than consistent with, women's health and well-being. This shift is attributed to the Howard government, the most pro-actively anti-abortion federal government since the early 1970s, and broader white patriarchal discourses of gender that elevated maternity as a moral imperative for women and constructed abortion as a harm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When prime ministers speak, the nation usually listens. In the Australian federation, prime ministers have consistently used the power of their political pulpit to launch policy interventions into areas of traditional State responsibility. This article suggests that there is an emerging rhetorical pattern to the way these policy interventions are presented. Prime ministers of both major parties have used rhetoric to portray the Commonwealth as acting on behalf of the legitimate interests of constituents who have been ignored by State governments. Occurring in close proximity to federal elections, policy interventions are shown to be weapons which favour incumbent prime ministers in their battles with State governments and federal oppositions alike. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between language and political possibility. It is argued that John Howard's language from 11 September 2001 to mid 2003 helped to enable the 'War on Terror' in an Australian context in three principal ways. Firstly, through contingent and contestable constructions of Australia, the world and their relationship, Howard's language made interventionism conceivable. Secondly, emphasising shared values, mateship and mutual sacrifice in war, Howard embedded his foreign policy discourse in the cultural terrain of 'mainstream Australia', specifically framing a foreign policy discourse that was communicable to 'battlers' and disillusioned 'Hansonites'. Thirdly, positioning alternatives as 'un-Australian', Howard's language was particularly coercive, silencing potential oppositional voices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There have been three waves of regulatory reform in Australia since the 1980s, each informed by broadly similar neoliberal political and economic objectives, but with important differences of emphasis that reflect key priorities and changing contexts. This article argues that the second and third waves brought with them three significant developments: (1) A substantially enhanced capacity for the organisation and management of intergovernmental relations in Australia; (2) a new, national emphasis on the need for microeconomic reform, reinvigorated and broadened in the third wave by a broadening of the national 'productivity and efficiency' debate through the Human Capital agenda of Council of Australian Governments (COAG); and (3) markedly changed funding and policy responsibilities between the levels of government. These changes include new arrangements for intergovernmental funding; a new performance oversight body, the COAG Reform Council; a revised Intergovernmental Agreement on Federal Financial Relations; and a new role for Commonwealth ministers in chairing COAG working parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While a range of accounts have engaged with the important question of why Australia participated in military intervention in Iraq, few analyses have addressed the crucial question of how this participation was possible. Employing critical constructivist insights regarding security as a site of contestation and negotiation, this article focuses on the ways in which the Howard Government was able to legitimise Australian involvement in war in Iraq without a significant loss of political legitimacy. We argue that Howard was able to 'win' the 'war of position' over Iraq through persuasively linking intervention to resonant Australian values, and through marginalising alternatives to war and the actors articulating them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews the history of Australian representations of Asia from the mid-19th century to the present. It argues that there are instructive continuities between recent references to 'Asia literacy' and to injunctions to know Asia that date from the late 19th century. It examines representations of Asia that stress fluidity and unpredictability, and argues that fluid Asia has been assigned characteristics not unlike those attributed to women and the crowd. The implications of this analysis for recent discussions of the threat posed by political Islam are also referred to. In such discussions 'the proper treatment of women' is commonly represented as both an established Australian value and one now under threat. The article ends by suggesting that the Howard government sought to marginalise 'Asia literacy', replacing it with 'Australia literacy'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that 'Asia' has tended to function as an ambivalent 'sign' in Australian political discourse, signifying both fear and hope. That ambivalence is reflected in Australian government policy. The article focuses on the period from Gough Whitlam on, tracing the links between debates over Australian relations with Asia and key issues in Australian domestic politics, including debates over immigration, the economy and Australian national identity. Key differences are identified between the views of John Howard and those of recent Australian Labor Prime Ministers. However, it is pointed out that Kevin Rudd also has ambivalent attitudes towards Asia, both encouraging Asian engagement as a path to future prosperity and fearing that Australia will be left behind in an increasingly 'Asian Century'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a critical response to the assertions of Rae Wear regarding the political history of the administration of Australian Prime Minister John Howard at the turn of the 21st century. Details are given reviewing Wear's arguments that the Howard government promoted a "top-down populism" which undermined the democratic system of the nation. The author challenges Wear's research methodology, particularly the use and misuse of primary and secondary sources in attributing negative judgments to the Howard administration's efficacy.

In late 2007, Australia's relatively liberal citizenship eligibility requirements were modified, ostensibly to improve the value of citizenship by restricting access to it. A key change involved the introduction of a citizenship test. This article tracks its development and implementation. We challenge claims of overwhelming support for the test, explore the discourses around the “Australian values” being tested, and outline the process by which the legislation was enacted (during which a number of principles of parliamentary democracy were compromised). Using evidence from politicians' speeches, we argue the citizenship test served to re-direct the Australian imagination away from a nascent “multicultural” identity, back to one redolent of the times of the “White Australia Policy”, confidently celebrating connections with an Anglo-Saxon heritage, the European Enlightenment, and Judeo-Christian roots. As such it was a key aspect of the 1996–2007 Howard Government's retreat from multiculturalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Australia, John Howard's coalition government responded to the attacks of September 2001 by introducing a series of bills that would grant the executive and the security services unprecedented new powers in its 'war on terror', and by committing troops to Afghanistan and, later, Iraq. Australia governments normally dominate the lower House of Representatives whereas the Senate, with near co-equal powers, elected by proportional representation, and thus usually denying the government or opposition an overall majority, proved to be a more significant obstacle, often requiring the government to make substantial concessions in order to secure passage of its legislation. Following the 2005 General Election, however, Howard's coalition secured a rare Senate majority, which it was anticipated would curtail parliament's ability to block or amend legislation. In the event, the Senate continued to play a role, albeit a diminished one, in shaping Australia's 'war on terror'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a rich comparative literature on Australian and Canadian politics but relatively little comparing political discourse, despite the election in both countries of governments promising to 'govern for the mainstream'. This article presents a comparative analysis of market populist discourse as articulated by the Howard and Harper governments, using a conceptualisation of market populism that draws on work by Thomas Frank. The article examines the origins and vectors of this discourse, its adaptation to local circumstances and the way it mobilises resentment against so-called 'elites' and 'special interests' associated with the welfare state and with the intermediary institutions of representative democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article identifies the specific concept of “nation” that informed John Howard's politics from his time as Liberal Party leader in the second half of the 1980s to the final years of his 1996–2007 prime ministership. It compares and contrasts the constitutive, procedural and multicultural models of nation to show Howard's continuing commitment to a constitutive understanding of the Australian nation. He endeavoured to give this understanding expression at the policy level by explicitly moving against the multicultural concept of nation that had informed Australian policy from the late 1970s. The Citizenship Test, introduced in his final year of office, is presented as the final move in this departure from multiculturalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at politics in Australia in 2007. Changes made to the cabinet of Prime Minister John Howard are reviewed, noting the replacement of Minister for the Environment and Heritage Ian Gordon Campbell by Malcolm Bligh Turnbull. A chart is presented which compares the number of seats in the Australian House of Representatives won by political parties during the election of November 24, 2007, including the National Party, the Green Party, and the Labor Party. Several major issues in national politics are discussed, including the Workplace Relations Amendment Act, Howard's election loss to Kevin Rudd, and political leadership.

The article discusses the national politics of Australia in 2007. A national election was held November 24, 2007 in which the Labor party won. As a result, the author states, Labor governments are installed in all nine jurisdictions as of November 2008. Prime Minister John Howard insistence that the Parliament pass the Workplace Relations Amendment (Work Choices) Act 2005 led to his defeat in 2007, the article indicates. Also discussed is Howard's detachment from voters and the arrogance of the government prior to the elections.

The Australian federal election of 24 November 2007 saw the defeat of the Howard Liberal-National Party coalition government after almost 12 years in office and brought to power a Labor government, the first since 1996, under the leadership of Kevin Rudd. John Howard, Australia's second longest-serving prime minister, became only the second prime minister to lose his own seat at an election. This article summarizes the election result and places it in the context of post-Second World War Australian political and electoral history. The highly unusual character of the large swing to the Labor Party is underlined, as is the rarity of a change of government in Australia since the Second World War. The article also examines the influence of the political leadership of the two major parties in contributing to the changing climate of opinion during 2007 and surveys the campaign itself, underlining the many problems experienced by the Howard government in the final weeks of its life. Finally, the article emphasizes the critical roles that interest rates, climate change and industrial relations all played in fatally undermining the Howard ascendancy. The government, faced with a politically credible and electorally attractive opponent, emerging economic difficulties and a shifting policy agenda, was unable to present itself as equipped to deal with new local and global challenges after a long period in power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Upon winning the 1996 election, John Howard became the first Australian prime minister to codify his understanding of individual ministerial responsibility by publishing A Guide on Key Elements of Ministerial Responsibility. This article examines how this ministerial code of conduct was applied to significant allegations of ministerial impropriety that occurred during the 1996–2007 Howard era, and highlights the relationship between the media, the Prime Minister's response and the ultimate outcome. It finds that Howard's early rigorous application of the Guide to allegations of conflicts of interest involved political pain and instigated its decline. Howard retreated, redefined ministerial responsibility as requiring deliberate wrongdoing and raised the threshold required for a minister's dismissal. His inability to firmly apply the Guide to instances of ministerial misconduct betrays the traditional view that ministers are responsible for their own actions. The contemporary practice is that ministers do not resign for departmental failures for which they are not personally responsible, irrespective of the gravity of that wrongdoing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on Australia's foreign policy from July to December 2007, which coincided with and impacted the results of political campaigns in the country. Prime Minister John Howard and Kevin Rudd's Australian Labor Party (ALP) were the main forces of the campaign. The most prominent foreign policy issues of the campaign were the Iraq war, Afghanistan, the South Pacific, climate change, and the place of the U.S. in Asian-Pacific politics. The case of Mohammed Haneef, who was arrested for his alleged involvement in terrorist attacks in Great Britain, is discussed. Issues such as Australia's position on the Iraq war and the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan were also important campaign issues.

The article presents information on domestic politics and government in Australia from July to December 2007 for the whole country and individual regions like New South Wales, Queensland, and Western Australia. During that time a general election took place in which Prime Minister John Howard campaigned to keep his position from opponent Kevin Rudd. The Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) meeting was held on September 2-9, 2008 in Sydney, Australia and foreign leaders from the region came, including U.S. President George W. Bush. The outcome of the elections was that Rudd became Prime Minister of Australia. The election results of the Australian Senate are also discussed.

The Australian federal election on 24 November 2007 ended more than a decade of dominance of the centre-right Coalition government of John Howard. Despite his long reign, Howard leaves surprisingly little legacy in terms of fundamental changes, indeed, the main policy changes were already laid down by the Labor governments in the 1980s and early 1990s. Apart from general discontent with the long serving government, the environment, the close alliance with the US and opposition to work-place legislation led to the Coalitions defeat in an election, in which even the PM lost his seat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political leaders matter again. The study of political leaders, particularly prime ministers, has been an under-researched area, yet the leadership discourse is back on the agenda. This article puts prime ministerial predominance into this context using comparative analysis to examine prime ministerial leadership in Australia and the UK and evidence from the tenures of Tony Blair and John Howard. The article contends that similar centralising tendencies, personal projection and autonomy from established structures were evident in the tenures of these two prime ministers. Ultimately, this created dislocation (of varying degrees) between the leaders, followers and the wider electorate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fundamentalist and evangelical Christianity is growing in popularity in Australia, concurrent with the ascendancy of the new Christian school. This article examines the historical and policy landscapes that have given rise to this educational phenomenon and draws some links with other education systems, particularly the United States. It is argued that, in Australia, a propitious setting for the rise of new Christian schools has been created through the interplay of evangelical and fundamentalist Christianity, Australia's Constitution, and an enabling neoliberal policy environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Howard era saw a further accumulation of power in Canberra and continued the marginalisation of the States. This essay locates John Howard within Liberal Party tradition and examines the way in which his own values shaped his approach to federalism. Howard identified himself as an economic liberal and as a social conservative (although he might be better thought of as a social liberal.) His commitment to small government and a single market unimpeded by state borders together with his lack of sympathy with regional identity had important consequences for the evolution of the Australian federation after 1996. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an era of continuous campaigning, elections are seldom won in the final weeks of the formal campaign period. The 2007 Australian federal election saw voters dispatch a Liberal Party and Nationals Coalition government that had presided over a buoyant economy, and return the Australian Labor Party from the electoral wilderness it had occupied since 1996. The explanation of this revival in Labor's stocks can be traced to the Wheat Board scandal, the unpopularity of the labour market deregulation, and to a series of other political tribulations that the fourth Howard Government faced during 2005 and 2006. Initially their impact was masked by the failure of Labor's parliamentary leadership. But when caucus elected Kevin Rudd and freed him to position Labor as offering fresh ideas and a safe pair of hands, Labor seized a lead in the opinion polls and retained it throughout 2007. Rudd's tactical leadership of his party proved critical. This article describes how the 2007 campaign unfolded and the pattern of events which saw a refashioned ALP win an eighteen-seat lower house majority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports on the deemphasis on political correctness in Australia related to the government of former Prime Minister John Howard. Minority groups in Australia were adversely affected by regressive government policies related to progressive social policy. The article discusses how Howard's administration reacted to social movements for women, homosexual people, and indigenous and ethnic groups. Information on Australian immigration, social marginality, funding for non-government organizations, economic liberalism, and social conservatism is also provided.

This article reports on non-government organisations (NGOs) in Australia and their relation to the government of former Prime Minister John Howard. Typically, NGOs in Australia serve to represent minority and marginal groups that need advocacy. The article discusses how these groups were challenged by Howard's policies and changed under his government's leadership. The article also discusses how Prime Minister Kevin Rudd is expected to interact with NGOs during his tenure starting in 2007. Information is provided on diversity and democracy in Australia, as well as volunteers, advocacy restrictions, and governing through communities.

This article reports on Australian civil society, labour laws, and capital in the 2000s. The article discusses former Prime Minister John Howard's government and how it damaged occupational health and safety in the country and discouraged workers. Information is provided on Howard's Commonwealth occupational health and safety legislation, risk management, and industrial manslaughter. Additionally, the article discusses how state-supported neglect related to workplace abuse was foreshadowed before the 1940s. The article also speculated on the government of Prime Minister Kevin Rudd.

This article reports on the use of humor and satire in the political climate of former Australian Prime Minister John Howard's administration. As the government attempted to quell dissent, humor was used to engage the public, critique politics and politicians, and highlight the absurd in Australia. The article discusses the stunts performed by performance group The Chaser and the pranks pulled on the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). Information is also provided on civil society, civic engagement, neo-liberalism, and moral geography.

This article reports on concerns of political disengagement and disenchantment related to Australia's government in the 2000s. It is believed that the 2007 election of Prime Minister Kevin Rudd following the departure of former Prime Minister John Howard could result in the re-engagement of Australian citizens. The article discusses the reasons for the public dissatisfaction and civil society. Information is also provided on Australian elections, voting, partisanship, and the roles of commentators and the electorate. Tables demonstrating election results are presented as well.

This article reports on the role of truth in democracy and the role of public opinion in the government of former Australian Prime Minister John Howard. While the concept of a fragile democracy is more common in developing nations, a democracy's success in a developed country can still be threatened. The article discusses how a loss of public trust in political institutions can weaken a state and deplete social capital. It is argued that Howard's government constricted public opinion and weakened the country. Information is also provided on public policy-making, cynicism, and civil society.

This article reports on civil society in Australia between 1996 and 2007 related to former Prime Minister John Howard. The article discusses Howard's neo-conservative ideology and Liberal-National coalition, noting his views on political correctness. Howard's administration is also discussed in terms of immigration, multiculturalism, indigenous land rights, othering, and Islamaphobia. Information on the effect of Islamaphobia on Australian perceptions and the treatment of Muslims is also provided.

The article looks at politics in Australia in 2006. Changes made to the cabinet of Prime Minister John Howard are reviewed, noting the replacement of Minister for Defence Brendan John Nelson, Minister for Finance and Administration Nicholas Hugh Minchin, and Minister for Family and Community Services Kay Christine Lesley Patterson. Major political issues in Australia are discussed, including the Workplace Relations Amendment Act of 2005, the removal of Kim Beazley as leader of the Labor Party, and his replacement by Kevin Rudd.

The author focuses on Australian Prime Minister John Howard and the Australian government's policy of "safeguarding Australia," or increasing national security measures, and how it affects women's rights and access to services. According to the author, the government's policy of controlling public services and social groups is part of the government's "politics of fear." The author offers a discussion of protective masculinity that seeks to both dominate and protect women in relation to the connection of women and the state. The author examines the government's funding of national security programs, the government's policy on violence against women and family laws, and the decline of feminist organizations and women's advocacy groups in Australia.

The article focuses on the plan of Australian Prime Minister John Howard to invest in the development of nuclear energy as a way of solving environmental issues in the country. The author claims that Howard's plans are obscuring the causes of global warming while creating an ideological refuge for unsuitable and anti-green energy sources. Environmentalists became alarmed with the proposal of Howard and the threat being posed by the development of nuclear energy to the environment. Moreover, individuals who are seeking social justice and environmental sustainability treat Howard as a formidable opponent.

The article examines the nuclear power agenda of Australian Prime Minister John Howard. Howard has suggested that the country could become an energy superpower because of the abundance of uranium resources in the area. Moreover, his nuclear agenda is intended to enhance the country's role in nuclear industry. Part of his agenda is increasing the Australian uranium exports, the building of nuclear power plants along the coast line, and the construction of a uranium enrichment plant. However, Howard's approach has caused concern among the neighbors and will have negative implications for regional security.

The article looks at politics in Australia in 2005. Topics discussed include the Workplace Relations Amendment (Work Choices) Act 2005, the hanging execution of Australian citizen Nguyen Tuong Van in Singapore, and the record-setting number of days Robert Menzies spent as Prime Minister. The author offers his opinion on politician Mark Lantham, declaring him the worst leader of the Labor Party in history. Changes made to the cabinet of Prime Minister John Howard are discussed, noting the replacement of Minister for Transport and Regional Services John Duncan Anderson by Warren Errol Truss.

The article looks at politics in Australia in 2004. Topics discussed include the leadership of Mark Latham of the Labour party, a free trade agreement between Australia and the U.S., and tsunamis in the Indian Ocean. A chart is presented which compares the number of seats held in the Australian House of Representatives by various political parties following the election held on October 9, 2004, including the Australian Labor Party, the Liberal Party of Australia, and the National Party of Australia. The author offers a list of members of the cabinet of Prime Minister John Winston Howard, including Treasurer Peter Howard Costello, Attorney-General Philip Maxwell Ruddock, and Minister for Foreign Affairs Alexander John Gosse Downer.