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There is still no scholarly consensus about the origin of the Balto-Slavic intonations. The traditional view is that all long vowels and diphthongs receive the acute in Balto- Slavic, while short vowels and diphthongs are circumflexed. On the other hand, according to the Leiden school, the only source of the Balto-Slavic acute is the glottal stop, which is either a reflex of the PIE laryngeals, or of the following glottalized stops (traditional voiced stops) in syllables that underwent Winter's law. We believe that the traditional view that PIE lengthened grade vowels receive the acute in Balto-Slavic can no longer be defended. It is contradicted by such examples as PIE *dhugh2tēr 'daughter' > Lith. dukt, PIE *(H)rēk-s-o-m 'I said' > Croat. rijêh, PIE *h2ōwyom 'egg' > Croat. jâje. It should also be taken as proved that syllables closed by laryngeals and voiced stops (or glottalics, by Winter's law) received the acute intonation in Balto-Slavic. However, the fact that the PIE lengthened grade long vowels are circumflex in Balto-Slavic does not prove that all lenghtened grade long vowels in Balto-Slavic are circumflex. In the present paper we attempt to show that a number of Vddhi formations, that were not inherited from PIE, received the acute in Balto-Slavic. These are the words with reflexes in both Baltic and Slavic languages, derived from PIE roots by means of Vṛddhi, which remained a productive pattern of derivation during the period of Balto-Slavic unity, and probably later. Such words have the lengthened grade only in Balto-Slavic, but not in other IE languages, which shows that their Vṛddhi is not inherited from PIE. This paper systematically analyzes such material in order to show that the Balto-Slavic Vddhi formations, in contradistinction to the inherited PIE long vowels, received the acute intonation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the best established cases of lengthened grade is the nominative singular of many athematic paradigms, where lengthened grade (LG) in the last predesinential element is opposed to full grade (FG) in other forms and is normally reconstructed for PIE (distinctive LG). However, the exact original distribution and the explanation of the phenomenon are controversial. Different theories also make different predictions about the original distribution of distinctive LG, and these may be checked in order to assess these theories. In Indo-Iranian, Brugmann's Law turned many cases of o grade into synchronic LG, thus removing potential cases of distinctive LG. The distribution of LG in Proto-Indo-Iranian (PIIr) strong stem forms is investigated, with the conclusion that distinctive LG in the nominative singular is only found in endingless nominatives. Elsewhere all forms of the strong stem show the same ablaut. Therefore, LG in the nominative singular can (but need not) largely be secondary, either leveling by strong stem forms with Indo-Iranian ā grade from o grade, or by analogy to such paradigms. The isolated form Vedic véṣ 'bird' < PIIr *(h)wáy-š is a counterexample to a general LG rule for monosyllabic stems. Indo-Iranian thus, while not excluding original distinctive LG in some s-marked nominatives, does not support it. However, evidence from Western IE languages appears to show distinctive LG in some nominatives of monosyllabic nouns. Possible explanations are discussed at the end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]