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This study explored whether fertility-specific distress varied by race/ethnicity among a nationally representative sample of US women. Participants were 2363 White (n = 1266), Black (n = 569), Hispanic (n = 453), and Asian (n = 51) women who participated in the National Survey of Fertility Barriers. Participants were given the Fertility-Specific Distress Scale and assessed for strength of pregnancy intent, primary versus secondary infertility, and socioeconomic hardship. Black women reported lower levels of fertility-specific distress than White women, but these were fully mediated by the strength of pregnancy intentions. Primary versus secondary infertility and economic hardship were not associated with fertility-specific distress., (© The Author(s) 2014.)

How stable are women's pregnancy intentions across their reproductive lifespans? Are there demographic, social, or attitudinal characteristics that are associated with differing pregnancy intentions patterns? Patterns of intendedness across pregnancies were examined using a sample of 3,110 women ages 25-45 who have been pregnant at least twice from the National Survey of Fertility Barriers. Multinomial logistic regression analyses assessed associations between patterns of intentions and respondents' economic/social status, values and ideologies to determine if intentions are a stable characteristic or pregnancy-specific. The majority of women (60 %) reported varying intendedness across individual pregnancies, indicating that intendedness tends to be pregnancy-specific. Sociodemographic status as well as values and ideologies were significantly associated with pregnancy intendedness patterns. Compared to women who intended each pregnancy, women who were ambivalent, did not intend each pregnancy, or had intermittent intendedness were more likely to be single, younger, Black, report lower importance of motherhood and religiosity and were less likely to be Hispanic. A substantial proportion of women report the intendedness of their pregnancies varied between pregnancies. Research and policy addressing unintended pregnancies should consider that pregnancy intentions are not a static characteristic of most women.

Are women who are intentional about pregnancy (trying to or trying not to get pregnant) systematically different from women who are "okay either way" about getting pregnant? We use a currently sexually active subsample (n = 3,771) of the National Survey of Fertility Barriers, a random digit dialing telephone survey of reproductive-aged women (ages 25-45) in the United States. We compare women who are trying to, trying not to, or okay either way about getting pregnant on attitudes, social pressures, life course and status characteristics using bivariate analyses (chi-square tests for categorical and ANOVA tests for continuous variables). Multivariate multinomial logistic regression provides adjusted associations. Most women say that they are trying not to get pregnant (71%) or are okay either way (23%); few are trying to get pregnant. Among women with no prior pregnancies (n = 831), more say that they are trying to get pregnant (14%) but a similar percentage are okay either way (26%). Several characteristics distinguish those trying to from those okay: fertility intentions, importance of motherhood, age, parity, race/ethnicity and self identifying a fertility problem. Additional characteristics are associated with trying not to get pregnant compared to being okay: ideal number of children, wanting a baby, trusting conception, relationship satisfaction, race ethnicity, economic hardship, and attitudes about career success. Women who are "okay either way" about pregnancy should be assessed separately from women who are intentional (trying to, trying not to) about pregnancy.

Researchers studying infertility from the perspective of anthropology and other the social sciences seldom examine the assumptions embedded in the biomedical definition of infertility. Implicit in the biomedical definition is the assumption that people can be divided straightforwardly into those who are trying to conceive and those who are not trying to conceive. If being infertile implies "intent to conceive," we must recognize that there are various degrees of intent and that the line between the fertile and the infertile is not as sharp as is usually imagined. Drawing on structured interview data collected from a random sample of Midwestern U.S. women and from qualitative interviews, we demonstrate that that there is a wide range of intent among those classified as infertile according to the biomedical definition. We explore the implications of this for research.

A national probability sample reveals two relatively distinct groups of infertile women: those with intent, who have experienced a period of 12 or more months during which they tried to conceive but did not, and those without intent, who had a period of at least 12 months during which they could have conceived and did not but who do not describe themselves as having tried to become pregnant at that time. Those with intent are more likely to identify as having a fertility problem, to be distressed, and to pursue infertility treatment than those without intent, suggesting that many women do not realize that they meet the medical criteria for infertility and may wait longer to get help, therefore lowering their chances of conception., (Copyright 2010 American Society for Reproductive Medicine. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)