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The Colombo Plan and Point Four program were programs that provided technical and economic assistance to the newly independent countries of Southeast Asia. They represented Commonwealth and American attempts to promote economic development in the region. This paper will investigate how these policies, which were framed by US policy‐makers and academics, were adopted in Australia. In so doing, it will demonstrate the ways that development was perceived as an important consideration in the foreign policies of both Australia and the United States. It will also examine the place of these programs in the Cold War and postcolonial world of the 1950s. As this paper will show, the interaction of these factors would affect Australian foreign policy for decades to come, revealing much about the complex nature of the Australian‐American relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper undertakes an analysis of bilateral trade linkages between Australia and Thailand over 1990 to 2011, analysing changes in trade competitiveness, and possible role played by the Thailand-Australia Free Trade Agreement (TAFTA) that came into force in 2005. Trade competitiveness changes are measured by the revealed comparative advantage index (RCAI) at an aggregate and value-added level, as well as a constant market share analysis (CMS) analysis. An export-demand model utilizing interaction effects in presence of the TAFTA is then estimated, hitherto not attempted earlier in the empirical literature on Australia-Thailand trade. The findings of the paper suggest that the Thailand-Australian trade relationship has undergone further adjustment since the establishment of the TAFTA. However, the changes in trade patterns are not necessarily due to TAFTA but more of a long term trend. CMS analysis suggest that Thailand's export competitiveness significantly contributed to the remarkable growth of exports to Australia experienced over the period, and the strongest trade link between the two countries has been the export of automotive vehicles from Thailand to Australia. However, value-added RCAI reveals that Thailand's domestic industry have been contributing to its exports to a much lesser extent than as actually observed in its gross exports, and this reflects the increasing role of foreign firms and imported inputs in Thailand's machinery and transport equipment sector. The export demand model therefore finds a significant positive impact of the TAFTA only on Australian exports to Thailand, but not vice-versa. The observed statistically insignificant impact of the TAFTA on Thai exports to Australia could be due to the limited impact of the TAFTA on trade barriers in Australia, as Thai exporters already enjoyed low tariffs prior to implementation of the TAFTA. The insignificant income effect observed in presence of TAFTA confirms that the TAFTA agreement had no impact on Thailand's demand for Australian exports even while the Australian economy was growing. The results imply that Australia and Thailand's membership with the same country in three different FTAs (bilateral, regional and cross-regional) could throw up additional challenges of utilization of these agreements for actual business purposes in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asia's middle powers face a trilateral dilemma stemming from their relationships with the U.S. and China. This paper uses the Australian example to examine the dilemma. It shows that Australia has bound itself to the U.S. because of domestic political factors, cost considerations, a belief that it can keep its interests separate, and its perception of regional threats. The paper then argues that others are likely to resolve their trilateral dilemmas in ways that make the regional strategic dynamic more competitive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the strategic arguments articulated in calls for the teaching and learning of Asia in schools. “Asia literacy” is currently framed as a necessary “solution” for Australian education, but acceptance of this “solution” into the mainstream educational policy agenda has been problematised as a neoliberal and neocolonial construct. Subsequent policy debate indicates the dominance of an economic rationale that is seemingly impossible to resist. This paper suggests that critical policy approaches can be used to identify alternatives to these dominant frameworks, which imagine Asia literacy in alternate ways. Re-imagining the “solution” offers three alternatives: working within an economic agenda; restructuring Asia literacy away from a distinct policy agenda; and treating policy gaps as spaces in which teachers can generate locally relevant possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As part of its economic diplomacy, Australia has directed intense effort into both bilateral and plurilateral trade negotiations such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership. According to then Minister for Trade and Investment Andrew Robb, with no major multilateral trade deal in decades, you have to ‘row your own boat’ or risk missing out. With the fundamentals of trade and the nature of trade negotiations changing, trade liberalisation has become an increasingly sophisticated and difficult negotiating area. A case study of the controversial TPP shows the tensions for a middle power navigating this space. The benefits of the TPP are contested and the government faces criticism of the adverse impacts of the agreement, especially investor-state dispute settlement clauses, impact on human rights and suspicion that the TPP is motivated by geopolitical drivers. In order not to lose more than it gains in moving away from the multilateral trade system, Australia must ensure that trade agreements are consistent with WTO rules and have open and fair accession regimes as a basis for signing. Finally, there is the need for higher levels of transparency and democratic accountability than has historically applied. A new white paper is necessary to make the case for trade liberalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The first decade of the 21st century has been characterised by complex and interrelated changes that have affected development. Development studies as a discipline has traditionally been concerned with the impact of colonisation and neocolonialism, and with neoliberal-related growth models. This paper argues that, since around the turn of the century, there has been a major shift in development, driven by a series of fundamental changes, including the relative failure of the neoliberal project in the 1980s and 1990s, which by the 2000s was partly replaced by a greater concern with addressing security issues with aid; the rise of China and other middle-income countries as large resource providers for development; and the rapid increase of remittance flows to lower and middle income countries. The paper looks at how both development studies and aid policy in Australia and elsewhere have been relatively slow to engage with this rapidly changing context. The big challenges for development studies will be: engaging with developing countries as development donors with different agendas for development; the decline of much of the current neoliberal paradigm; alternative sources of development finance; and the securitisation of Western aid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Broadly framed in terms of performance theories by Turner and Beeman, this paper weaves together the historical, mythical, ritual and performative aspects of a 1997 encounter in Sulawesi between Yolŋu (an Aboriginal people of northern Australia) and Macassans (people from southern Sulawesi, Indonesia). The focus of the paper is an indigenous opera called Trepang, which is based on the centuries-long history of trading relations and family connections between the two groups, and the way its performance was used by the Yolŋu and Macassan cast members to renegotiate their often turbulent shared history, along with the contemporary social and ritual order. In this light, Trepang can be understood as a restorative social process, a means of pursuing a common path and a way of ameliorating the discrepancies of the past - bringing the parties finally together as one. Analysing the social context in which the performance of historical 'truths' was negotiated, I unpack key events in the staging of this 'play within a play' and demonstrate the need to transgress the dualism of ritual and spectacle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authorities in a number of advanced countries have produced intergenerational reports that seek to determine the fiscal sustainability of current policy parameters. The Australian government will publish its intergenerational Report in May 2002. This paper attempts to place these reports in analytical perspective. We examine the notion of intergenerational equity, the conceptual basis for generational accounting, Australian efforts at constructing generational accounts, and then review the intergenerational reports of several other countries. The paper concludes with a brief synoptic discussion of various policies that can help Australian governments achieve intergenerational balance in future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1926, the Empire Marketing Board (EMB) was established to foster empire trade without the use of tariffs. It was to simulate imperial preference by redirecting consumer choice away from ‘foreign’ goods and towards the produce of ‘home and empire’. Using newspapers, pamphlets, film, exhibitions and poster displays, the EMB aimed to ‘bring the empire alive’ to British consumers. This paper analyses the presentation of three settler dominions—Australia, New Zealand and Canada—in the EMB's advertising campaigns. The EMB's large visual archive has been the subject of only limited study, most of which has focused on a homogeneous reading of empire. This article argues that the work of the EMB reveals the presence of a separate discourse of empire—a ‘dominion discourse’—that has not been recognised in cultural histories of empire, which, with the recent exception of ‘British world’ studies, have been more interested in mapping and conceptualising the formation of identities in other colonial settings. The ‘dominion discourse’ emphasised the familiar, white and ‘British’ nature of the former colonies of settlement, attributes that are clearly displayed in the campaigns of the EMB, but can also be found in settler culture much more widely. In doing so, the white dominions stressed not only their difference from the dependent colonies, but their similarity to Britain. Though the inter-war period is often associated with the rise of distinctive national identities and the loosening of imperial bonds, the production of these attributes in an imperial and metropolitan context draws attention to both the transnational nature of identity formation and the continuing importance of Britain and empire in the construction of settler culture in this period. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper analyzes China's impact on Australia-U.S. relations from 1949 to 1996, including how far Australia's China policy followed the American lead. The conclusion: American influence was dominant, but Australia's own initiative was enough to belie the suggestion that it was no more than a blind follower. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a critical overview of Australian, Chinese, and American perspectives on trilateralism, with a detailed discussion of Australian debates on the matter. Its aim is to trace the evolution of the changing discourse on the rise of China, examine major debates in Australia, and provide both an intellectual background and an overview for this special issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and Australia have assumed a greater role in international affairs, emerging as regional powers with great power potential. Changes in the international environment, particularly the rise of China as a common source of concern and growing economic relations between the two countries in an era of increasingly complex interdependence, have provided an impulse for the two countries to enhance their bilateral ties. Part of that includes developing a robust maritime capability that can project force across blue water as well as on land, and which works in concert with allied maritime forces in assuring the defence of common interests. The paper provides an overview of the Indian–Australian relationship, focusing the analysis on India's changing maritime outlook, Australia's strategic priorities and a forecast of the possibilities for their developing a strategic partnership in the Indo-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Few people inside or outside government have had a greater impact on public policy in Australia than Ross Garnaut. His report in 1990 provided a blueprint for Australia's economic 'engagement' with Asia, whether or not one agreed with its underlying logic and analysis. The reception of his report on climate change in 2011 could hardly have been more different. Why is it that some ideas enjoy wide support from influential actors and are enthusiastically taken up by policymakers, while others struggle to gain traction, even when backed by government? This paper provides some possible answers to this puzzle by identifying factors that facilitate or obstruct the influence and impact of 'policy entrepreneurs'. 在澳大利亚政府内外，对公共政策影响最大的人士莫过于郜若素了。他发表于1990年的报告，你同意其逻辑分析也好，不同意也罢，反正它都为亚澳经济关系提供了蓝图。他于2011年发表的环境报却得到迥然不同的反应。何以一些观点能够得到重要社会主体的广泛支持以及政策制定者的积极采纳，而另一些观点哪怕是有政府做后盾，也难得推广呢？本文通过寻找有利或有碍"政策专业户"发挥影响的因素，对这个问题作了回答。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia and India have had few reasons in the past to develop systematic and significant levels of economic engagement. This was due to very different positions they have held in the world-system since the Second World War. De-colonization, the fall of the British Empire, the weak status of the British Commonwealth, and the realpolitik of the Cold War saw India and Australia located on different parts of the geo-political and economic world map with small demographic and cultural flows, and insignificant economic trade. Both countries developed similar economic policy regimes that were essentially state-led nationalist projects of economic development with concomitant policies of import-substitution, local industry-subsidization, highly-regulated financial systems, and high tariffs. The last quarter of the 20th century saw a radical revision of both nations’ economic strategies, with Australia moving first to drop many of its trade barriers in the 1970s and ’80s. It is now one of the most open economies in the world. India’s liberalization programme commenced much later in 1991 but nonetheless has had a dramatic impact on its economic fortunes and growing status in the world economy. With these changes there are increasing opportunities for bilateral trade and a greater economic enmeshment in regional engagements and alignments in the Indian Ocean and in wider Asian fora. One significant indicator of change in growing Australia-India economic engagement is to look at Foreign Direct Investment (hereafter FDI). Currently, the movement of FDI between these two countries is still not very large but has a strong potential to grow over the short to medium term. This paper looks at the future prospect of this growth and asserts that, by engaging in areas of comparative advantage, it will benefit both national economies. Moreover, economic flows are also indicators of great social and cultural traffic. The movement of FDI between the two countries will not only encourage greater flow of peoples, especially outward migration from India to Australia, but also trigger more Australian expatriates living in India (from a very low base). Greater economic trade promises more cultural exchange. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Drawing theoretical insights offered by the Copenhagen School, in conjunction with a critical assessment of environmental security, the intention of this paper is to examine the ways in which Australia's 're-engagement with Asia' is getting increasingly securitized through both speech acts and practices relating to climate change and energy security. These acts and practices are dictated and driven by the state-centric 'national security' discourses on the one hand, and by the geo-economic imperatives of fossil fuel-driven models of economic growth and energy security on the other hand. The key question, in our view, then becomes: What are the actual or potential linkages (and contradictions) between Australia's self-image as an energy superpower, alongside its increasingly embraced normative role as a responsible international (and even Asian) citizen committed to effectively mitigating climate change? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia's relationship with India stands in apparent contrast with its relations elsewhere in Asia. Most accounts of Australia's links to India liken them to recurrent bouts of amnesia, arguing that Australia has not put the same efforts into engaging with India that it has into fostering ties with Japan, China and Indonesia and that, like a patient with injury to the hippocampus who has lost the ability to lay down long-term memories, Australia appears to approach each episodic moment of contact without recollection of the past. Australia's relationship with India has passed through distinct phases, from a brief moment of warmth in the years immediately after India achieved independence, through frosty decades of the Cold War. In contrast to many other accounts, the paper argues that since the 1980s Australia has sought with considerable consistency to engage with India and that the tenuousness of the relationship is primarily due to Indian indifference. Recent bilateral issues, including the supply of uranium to India and attacks on Indian students, have led to an enlargement of contacts which may signify that the engagement is at last becoming a mutual one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This collection of papers focuses on the domestic and international politics of Australia's recent engagement with Asia. The theme of Asian engagement appears to be of particular pertinence to the current study of Australian politics given numerous pronouncements that we are entering an 'Asian century' during which key Asian economies will gain greater ascendancy and certain Asian states will come to play a more prominent role in global politics. We employ the idea of 're-engagement' in order to show how engagement with Asia has been turned to again and again by Australian governments, albeit in different political and strategic contexts. This collection aims to consider the politics of re-engagement from a number of different theoretical positions, as well as from a number of different perspectives (be it international relations/foreign policy, domestic politics, identity politics, or from the perspective of bilateral Asian partners). Emphasis is placed not simply on the foreign policy prerogatives behind re-engagement but also on the implications of the 'Asian century' for domestic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia's relationship with South Africa was founded on their being two groups of colonies, and later dominions, in the British Empire. As remote settler societies there were certain affinities, anxiously promoted by South Africa and usually resisted by Australia. Australian prime ministers played a major role in helping to bring about majority rule, but since 1994 the relationship has stiffened. For South Africa, partly for geopolitical reasons, the Commonwealth remains a functional concept; for Australia, it has lost much of its efficacy. Australia and South Africa have also exchanged two significant migrations: of Australian miners and artisans to the Rand around the turn of last century, and of South African emigrants to Australia in our own time. Trade between the two countries is increasing, and a new range and diversity in contact has occurred, with the resumption of full relations since the apartheid years. Given South Africa's disjunction from its immediate past, it is difficult at present to indicate what forms the relationship might take in future. The paper therefore sketches the whole history of interaction between the two countries, drawing attention to its phases and reconfigurations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is there a revolution occurring in the Australian suburb? From a brief examination of demographic, economic, political and aesthetic changes, it appears that the suburbs of the new century are very different from those of the last. With the demise of key underpinnings of the older suburban form—the sexual division of labour, particular family forms, localised communities and bucolic private gardens—has gone an end to official support of the expansive suburb and a major shift in their politics, planning, economies and relationship to the CBD and other centres. With falling household sizes has gone a seemingly contradictory trend toward larger houses on smaller blocks of land. In the context of these many changes along with urban containment and consolidation, this paper argues that there is a convergence occurring between the design of inner, middle and outer suburban dwellings. The negativity long heaped upon the suburban bungalow by the custodians of taste is being revisited. The style wars are easing, as suburban homes increasingly resemble those appearing in densified cities across the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• This paper examines the very long-running trade dispute between Australia and New Zealand concerning a ban on the importation of apples on the basis of fire blight disease present in New Zealand. This particular example illustrates the more general case of the frequent conflict between science and politics in regard to technical trade barriers. This same issue of fire blight disease in apples became the subject of a protracted World Trade Organization dispute between the USA and Japan, with New Zealand a third party to the USA, and Australia a third party to Japan. The World Trade Organization Dispute Settlement Body, and subsequently the World Trade Organization Appellate Body, ruled in favour of the USA (and thus New Zealand) on this issue. Despite this ruling, Australia has continued its ban on New Zealand apples and the issue has become highly politicized in Australia. • This case highlights the need for World Trade Organization rules to be changed to ensure that its rulings become binding on third parties and other World Trade Organization members. This would ensure that once an issue is decided through the full World Trade Organization conflict resolution process, the principles established should become generally applicable to other instances of the same scientific issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper explores the extraordinary interest in trade with Australia evinced by the Nazi regime in Germany. The presumed orientation of Berlin was then towards the expansion of international trade, to become 'domestic' after the outbreak of the Second World War, with eastern and southeastern Europe. Yet a considerable effort was expended up the development of commercial ties with distant Australia. The effort expended upon the Antipode in part met the desires of German individuals and businesses with an interest in the area. It was no doubt intended as a contribution towards focusing the attention of Whitehall upon the British Empire, to leave the Nazi regime with a 'free hand in Europe'. The effort also, however, lends support to the notion that the ultimate objective of that regime was a global hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intense controversy over Japanese investment in Australia in the late 1980s continues to attract academic attention as a significant episode in Australia-Japan relations. This paper addresses two limitations of the existing literature. Firstly, it situates the controversy in the political economy of foreign investment policy liberalisation. This is important to an understanding of to what degree it was fundamentally a Japan-related or a foreign investment-related issue. How it became both provides insights into the dynamics of Australia--Japan relations in that era. Secondly, why the Australian government reaffirmed its commitment to liberal non-discriminatory policy in the face of popular disquiet is examined directly. This complements the existing rich literature on the negative reactions to Japanese investment and may help to provide a fuller picture of the domestic sources of stability in Australia--Japan relations in that period. It also highlights the historical magnitude of the Howard government's recent apparent abrogation of the non-discriminatory principle in foreign investment policy with the Australia--US Free Trade Agreement of February 2004 and the questions so raised about the Australia--Japan bilateral relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that an economic liberal discourse of globalisation has been pivotal to the policy-making process in Australia over the past 15 or so years. Both Labor and Coalition Governments have aimed to restrict the electoral fall-out from the process of restructuring by persuading Australians that the world economy has forced particular policy changes and made alternative economic policy choices unviable. Policy-makers act to influence conceptions of the appropriate role and responsibilities of the state through persuasion — the rhetoric they speak — and coercion — the policies they make. The pervasiveness of globalisation rhetoric in the public sphere has been essential to the governing process as a complement to and buffer for the coercive impact of economic liberal policy changes. As Australia has shifted from a protectionist to an economically liberal policy structure, the effects of globalisation have become clearer. Liberalisation has intensified pressures from the world political economy and coerced changes in all areas of policy and the economy, as well as in public perceptions about the 'limits of government'. GIobalisation and economic liberalism as persuasion and coercion are the component parts of a restructured system of political and economic governance: a paradigmatic shift away from the economic protectionism of the first 80 years of Australian federalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines and analyses the main issues in the current bilateral economic relations between Australia and South Korea, particularly focusing on the Korean perspective. Above all, the trade imbalance continuously favouring Australia has been an issue of great concern on the part of South Korea. Australia and South Korea have shown disagreement over the lopsided trade issue, regarding attitude, approach and standpoint in addressing it. While the Korean side broadly converges on the view, that the bilateral trade imbalance needs to be redressed, there are four differing viewpoints on explaining the lopsided bilateral trade: (i) the Korean government's view; (ii) the Korean business sector's view; (iii) the relevance of culture; (iv) Korea's favourable perception of Australia. This paper seeks to answer an important question in the context of the two nations" economic/trade relationship: why South Korea has ever engaged with Australia on good terms, albeit with disadvantageous trade relations. In this case, the nexus of economics and politico-security is largely in action. That is, on one plane, South Korea is ranked as an important trading partner and a major export market of Australia. On another plane, South Korea politically needs strong allies like Australia which can give an unswerving support for it in both the regional and international arenas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes, analyzes and compares two cases of major policy and institutional reform in economic policy: Australia's 1983 decision to float its currency and Sweden's 1990 decision to align itself economically and politically by applying for EU membership. Both involved the overturning of long-standing policy commitments and deeply held beliefs on the part of the social-democratic governments that took these steps. We argue that notwithstanding the major institutional differences between the two countries, both changes are explained by the exercise of change-oriented leadership along the lines set out in five propositions that have been derived from the literatures on policy change and comparative government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia and Indonesia are two vastly different countries that share a common sea border in the Timor and Arafura Seas. Yet economically, culturally and diplomatically, Australia and Indonesia have been moving much closer together over the last 20 years. In March 1997, the final portion of the seabed border was finally delineated, shortly before the onset of the serious economic crisis. This paper focuses on the changing political and economic relations between the two countries and links this with a discussion of border issues, specifically UNCLOS III, fish and hydrocarbon resources, the Timor Gap Zone of Cooperation and the still unresolved East Timor question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper notes the emergence of the Single Aviation Market for Australia and New Zealand and considers issues relating to future external relationships facing both countries and their airlines as they move to harmonise their international aviation policies and border controls. In the Asia Pacific region, there is a range of views regarding the shape and pace of liberalisation of bilateral air service agreements. Will other countries follow the Australia-New Zealand move? Will the Australia-New Zealand agreement be widened to include others? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]