Search

In this paper, I will examine the influence of nationalism and colonial racial theories on modern Islamic thought in Muslim South Asia and the Middle East. I argue that modern Islamic thought —a new way of conceiving Islam that began in the late nineteenth century—has some basic features that reveal the influence of Western colonial discourse, racial theories, and nationalism. I will provide many examples that show how contemporary Islamic thought has internalized the colonial discourse on religion, nation, and state. In particular, I will discuss the influence of nationalism on Islamism and how Islamists believe that a "true" Islamic life requires the creation of an Islamic state. But modern states are essentially limited, and national interests determine their relations with the outside world. An Islamic state cannot be an exception to the latter rule. Therefore, Islamic principles cannot determine an Islamic state's domestic and foreign policies; ultimately, it would have to function like a nation-state. Through a brief discussion of the policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) and Turkey, I will also show how the discourse of these states is nationalist in practice and that the national interest of these states determines their foreign and domestic policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia has re-emerged as an important global actor after the advent of the post-Soviet era. Kremlin's repositioning in the global affairs under President Vladimir Putin has led to a geopolitical and geostrategic transformation of its foreign policy. It follows multilateralism with active outreach in different parts of the world. In contemporary Russian foreign policy, there are tangible determinants that call for multipolar world order including realignment of foreign relations and consolidation of great power status. This paper, therefore, examines Russian foreign policy in the post-Crimean annexation era, where Moscow launched various campaigns through active engagements with the world's larger economies and strategically important countries, such as China, India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. The paper also highlights Russia's evolving bilateral relations with these countries, especially in economic, political, and military spheres. Following the current global geopolitical realities, it also attempts to mark clear adjustments in Moscow's foreign policy with respect to its power, responsibility, and ambitions for international peace and stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After becoming the Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi made many efforts to consolidate his dominance in South Asia and expand India's influence in the Indian Ocean. The "neighborhood first policy" was highlighted in India's foreign policy. Based on historical and logical research methods and studies in international relations, the paper aims to examine the implementation of "neighborhood first policy" through bilateral relations between India and its neighboring countries. These relationships have been facing challenges from the more profound influence and interference of China as well as frequent terrorist incidents due to border disputes, which threatened regional security. Although this policy connected India with its neighboring South Asian countries, there were still challenges. It can be seen that the "neighborhood first policy" was Prime Minister Modi's effort to nurture bilateral relationships, enhance regional connectivity, and strengthen and elevate India's position in the region. The progress of the "Neighborhood First" policy is expected to continue more successfully in the next phase. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Asia is becoming one of the most fiercely competitive battlegrounds between India and China. Located at the center of South Asia and with its large geographical area, population, and economic size, superior military strength compared to other countries in the region, India has always been the most influential power in the region. But in the past decade, China's intensified partnership with small countries in South Asia has threatened India's number one position in the region. It is the challenges posed by China in South Asia, inter alia, that have forced India under Prime Minister Narendra Modi to make various important foreign policy adjustments. To interpret India–China competition in South Asia in aspects of diplomacy, economy, security and defense, the paper uses international relations theories including constructivism, neo-realism (particularly offensive realism) and the balance of threat theory. Although the paper analyzes India–China competition in all three areas of diplomacy, economy and military security, the authors are of the view that, the most fundamental motivation of China and India in this competition is to achieve power and security and not economic objectives. While China's strategic calculation leans towards its ambitions to gain greater power in the geopolitical order, India's strategic calculation leans towards ensuring its security. By using qualitative methods and utilizing secondary data including books, treatises, articles and policy briefs ... , this paper analyzes the strategic calculations of India and China in South Asia. The paper argues that China's intention is to emulate and then overtake India in the very region of India's traditional influence, while India's strategy is to maintain and strengthen its number one position in the region. Though China's influence in the region seems to have overwhelmed over India, India with all its internal forces is also hindering China's penetrating steps into South Asian region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decades, China has rapidly increased its influence throughout the South Asian region, using both its hard and soft power tactics. China has succeeded in eclipsing India's influence and emerged as an important player in the region. China is making inroads in South Asia by making huge investments and constructing roads, highways, railways, sea ports, bridges, power grids, dams, and public buildings. China is pursuing a foreign policy that aims to advance its strategic and economic interests while trying to imbalance India's predominant position and contain India within the boundaries of South Asia. This is to prevent the rise of a peer competitor that can challenge or hinder the rise of China as a sole Asian power. This paper argues that the geostrategic situation of South Asian countries is such that they pose threats to India's security by aligning with the extra-regional powers. Hence, China's expanding strategic and security ties with South Asian countries have wider implications for India's security due to the complex and sensitive nature of its relationship with China. The theoretical approach of Power Transition Theory has been utilized to analyze the Sino-India power rivalry and China's growing threat to India's security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since donning the mantle of authority, President Putin has taken actions which have uninhibitedly been geared at reasserting Russia's hegemony around the world. Putin's Look East policy stems from his schematic geopolitics, a plan which was formally announced in 2010. Through the prism of Putin's Look East policy, the paper contextually analyses Russia–South Asia relations, with reference to India and Pakistan. By cross-examining Russia's official foreign policy documents, the paper establishes why South Asia is paramount to Russia's economic and geostrategic reassertion. Every new policy has its challenges, and the same holds true for the Look East policy vis-à-vis South Asia. Premised on the unfolding geopolitics in the region, the paper surmises that striking a balance between New Delhi and Islamabad will be problematic for Moscow, just as it has always been for Washington. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International efforts aimed at developing a specific region's or country's media sector commonly involve both onsite actors (usually from the Global South) and external actors (usually from the Global North). Dependency theory suggests that onsite actors are (stuck) in a relationship with development agencies and donors in which "Western" notions of journalistic ethics, communication and democracy are imposed on them -- and not necessarily to their advantage. Bureaucratic imperatives and institutional dynamics especially within funding agencies have been identified as strong determinants of media development practice. Yet, recent empirical insights point to local actors' ability to assert their own strategies in the face of donor power which can be interpreted as agency. Therefore, this paper suggests making use of structuration theory to get a clearer picture of how onsite actors enact international media development practice. Structuration theory acts on the assumption that social practice is produced and reproduced as part of a dynamic interplay between agency and structure. Applied to media development practice, it allows for the analysis of the intentions and motivations of the agents involved, the conscious or subconscious rules they act upon and also the allocative and authoritative resources at their disposal. Against this background, this contribution presents the methodological design and preliminary results of a qualitative interview study on how onsite actors in the target countries of international media development perceive and negotiate their scope of action. Online interviews were conducted with participants from various world regions such as Middle East, South Asia as well as South-East Asia. The results suggest that the cultivation of long-term relationships and a diversification of international partners allow onsite actors to strengthen their agency within international media development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan and China have always enjoyed multidimensional and cordial relations on the basis of mutual trust and understanding. These relations have taken a further boost in the post 9/11 era. Though they made policy adjustments in the light of global transformations, yet their relations continued to be in harmony with each other. The year 2015 marked the big boost in these relations through the culmination of China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) agreement worth $ 46 billion. CPEC brought forth many opportunities for both the countries to promote their interests respectively, is viewed negatively by US and India, as a step to contain US role and Indian ambitious designs in South Asia. Many other countries who were previously against the CPEC, are now taking interest and wanted to be a part of it. US has developed Asia pivot to contain China's rise and to reinforce its position in the Asia pacific region and also supports India's reservations over it. While India views it from the prism of its security concerns in the light of its rivalry with both China and Pakistan. As an emerging global power, China has the potential and willingness to support and promote Pakistan more than any other power of the world. This paper looks into the interests of Pakistan and China associated with each other, CPEC and the US and India's responses over their strategic partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The geopolitical environmentof South Asia has significantlychanged in last two decades. This change essentially poses various challenges and brings opportunities for Pakistan in the region. The prime focus of this paper is to give an insight into challenges faced by Pakistan in a historical narrationand to critically evaluate the implications of emerging geopolitical environment for Pakistan's foreign policy. Therefore, this study, by adopting realist perspective, develops "stress and strain" frameworkto analyses the impacts of regional geopoliticson foreign policy of Pakistan. Thishistorical analysisreveals that the interest of great powers in the region changes with passage of timeand thus changes their allianceswith regional states. This shifting of alliances modifies the way of interaction among regional states. The study concludes with suggestions that the articulation of national interest and foreign policy of Pakistanneeds to be reviewed continuouslyin order to overcome the emerging challenges and to find the best possible way of engagement at regional and international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International relations are determined by systemic and structural factors at the global, regional and state/domestic levels. Inter-state relations require common interests, shared goals, inter-related threat perception and eminent security challenges. Indo-Iranian relations have been on a progressive trajectory since the beginning of current century; their relations are focussed on political, economic, security and strategic spheres. As an emerging major power, India intends to enhance its influence across regions. This paper attempts to examine how Indo-Iranian relations have shaped up over the years. How convergence of interests by these two far-off neighbors have developed to join and cooperate in economic, political and social domains. For Pakistan, any development on its eastern and western borders holds important bearing on its national security; therefore, what new challenges are posed by Indo-Iranian relations in the changing regional environment of South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an in-depth analysis of a significant global challenge the international organizations are faced within the 21st century - climate change. Climate change has detrimental effects on international security and stability. In the past decades, humanity has faced emerging natural occurrences such as the increase in the World Ocean level, higher frequency of monsoon rainfalls, impaired conditions of the ecosystems in the rain forests. The massive population increase in Africa and South Asia also points to the fact that natural resources are not infinite, and their spare use becomes a priority of worldwide importance. Managing climate change is a global problem, the solution of which mandates the unified efforts of the entire international community. And this is where climate diplomacy comes at play. The efforts of climate diplomacy need to be focused on two primary directions. The first priority is limiting global warming under 2°C compared to the pre-industrial levels and taking actions to reduce the harmful emissions of greenhouse gases. The second priority is about taking adequate measures to handle climate change consequences, amongst which the so-called climate migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces a collection of articles on strategic stability in South Asia that resulted from the launch conference of the South Asian Strategic Stability Unit, hosted by the Department of Peace Studies at the University of Bradford on 7–8 October 2004. The paper provides a brief conceptual comment on the elements of strategic stability, and introduces the different approaches that are available to promote and enhance strategic stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the economic integration of the East and South Asian economies in the global economy. East Asian economies are shown to be achieving much more of their potential trade than South Asian economies, both in terms of intra-regional trade and in trade with the rest of the world. Examination of the China- Japan, India- Pakistan and Taiwan-mainland China bilateral relationships shows that integration of these economies into the global economy has allowed economic relations to dominate and constrain difficult bilateral political relations in East Asia while in South Asia adverse political relations have hampered development of bilateral economic relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically inquires into the foreign policy of Pakistan during the period (1947-51). British divided India into two sovereign states in August, 1947. Mainly, Indian National Congress spearheaded the independence movement in the Indian subcontinent on the basis of Indian [Hindu] nationalism. The Indian Muslims contested the Congress claim of One Nation Theory. The Muslims presented their own brand of counter Muslim nationalism called the TwoNations Theory. The basic assumption of Two Nations Theory was that India politically, unlike European nation states, was a heterogeneous society. There were two major nations in the subcontinent--Hindus and Muslims. Resultantly, both Hindus and Muslims had a birthright to selfdetermination and separate states. For about fifty years, the Congress seriously contested, both theoretically as well as politically, the genuineness of the validity of Two Nations Theory. The Congress never accepted the theory. It called the Muslim demand of a separate state "a vivisection" of India and would never agree to it. Fortunately, the British did not accept the Congress argument. The Congress did her best to prevent the creation of Pakistan, however, thanks to British fairness, the Indian subcontinent was divided. Then out of utter frustration and revenge, the Congress resorted to 'Policy of Strangulation' to undo Pakistan. The researcher has come up with a non-traditional concept that Pakistan in the early phase suffered from an economic existential threat rather than military. Understandably, the foreign policymakers of Pakistan overplayed the presumed military threat to its existence. However, for the better and realist foreign policy, Pakistan survived the immediate existential economic threat in the early phase. Pakistan confronted the deadly economic context during her infant years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hydrological Sciences Journal/Journal des Sciences Hydrologiques is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The whole of South Asia is devoid of any standards and norms on any dimension of refugee reception, determination and protection. The fact that a quarter of the world's refugees find themselves in a non-standardized, if not hostile, refugee regime is a situation which does not augur well for either the mandate of UNHCR or for any civilized society The South Asian nations have their own apprehensions, real or imaginary, about the utility of CSR 1951 to their situations. Because of historical mishaps, political ignorance, unstable democracies and exaggerated concern over national security there is hardly any motivation for, or any environment in which there is a possibility for, the enactment of national legislation. Non-governmental agencies, in their own way, have been trying to influence the States to accede to the Convention and, also, to promulgate national laws. The most noticeable contribution is the draft national law for India, 'Refugees and Asylum Seekers Act', discussed and approved by the Fourth Informal Consultations on Refugees and Migratory Movement Sessions in their Dacca Session. The draft legislation has been under consideration by the Indian government for some time but the issue, nonetheless, remains both important and urgent. There is an almost complete absence of discussion about it in any forum, even the media. This paper is an attempt to examine the provisions of the draft law, insofar as it conforms to the international standards, and to show where it is found wanting. The paper also evaluates the competence of the draft law to answer security considerations after 9/11. The paper suggests suitable amendments that may make the enactment of national law a reality, so that the void in the international regime of refugee protection can be filled effectively and fast. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deterrence and strategic stability are closely interlinked. This paper explores the relationship between the two, which finds its clearest expression in the concept of deterrence stability. The paper examines contending views of strategic stability in South Asia, and considers deterrence stability during the 1999 Kargil Crisis. This discussion is developed with an analysis of the drivers of deterrence instability in the region. Finally, the paper concludes with an overview of different pathways to nuclear war in South Asia, and the policy prescriptions that might mitigate the risks of this happening. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the conceptual elements of command-and-control, and argues that control is the more important. It then offers a discussion of the relationship between control and strategic stability, which provides some novel insights into the nature of the India– Pakistan nuclear relationship. Following a discussion of the factors that act for and against stability in the region, the paper offers some concluding thoughts about measures to provide more sustainable strategic stability over the medium and longer term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a detailed assessment of the behavior of nuclear command-and-control systems during peace, crisis and war. It highlights, in particular, the tensions and trade-offs that emerge once systems move away from peacetime configurations. The paper argues that there are significant parallels with the Cold War experience, but that particular complexities in South Asia raise real concerns about the risks of nuclear escalation and war. The paper concludes by asking whether the United States could not do more to help India and Pakistan manage their nuclear command-and-control systems more effectively, to help the stabilization of nuclear South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - Transformational and transactional leadership have become a fascinating issue for research since the work of Burns (1978) and Bass (1990). The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the usefulness of the concept of transformational leadership using examples of political leadership from South Asia. It is argued that the construct of transformational leadership is practically non-existent. And, if the concept of transformational leadership exists, it cannot be specifically applied to the leaders who gain popularity and achieve their goals. It is also argued that positive and negative connotation with transformational and transactional leadership, respectively, is false. The popular leadership may be good for "one-point agenda," but not necessarily transform the system. Design/methodology/approach - Qualitative methods, historical analysis, and discourse analysis have been employed to understand the leaders' actions and behaviors. Findings - The discussion around the empirical examples show that the popular-successful leadership does not necessarily a transformational leadership even though the leadership achieves the goals. Originality/value - The popular or so-called transformational leadership may be good to achieve one-point agenda, but it may not bring the required change and fruitful results to all stakeholders if it is not backed by a transactional strategy. Future research may turn the attention in three directions: whether or not the achieved goals were transformational or transactional; evaluation of leaders' behavior from the perspective of consequential leadership; and the role of transactional leaders in the growth and strengthening of micro and macro organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India was the first country in South Asia to establish diplomatic relations with the European Economic Community (EEC). Once, the country was one of the top beneficiaries of the EEC development assistance. However, this article traces the evolution of development policy with India and how the relationship has evolved between the two partners over time. Particularly, the discussion focuses on the development cooperation between the European Union (EU) and India from 1957 to 2020. A major shift took place in 2004 when the EU and India became strategic partners, and India is the only country from South Asia that has established a strategic partnership with the EU. The study also explores the founding principles of the relationship between both partners. The qualitative research method is applied here in the empirical setting to explain the crux of diplomatic relations and development cooperation. Likewise, we found here, through the latest results, that EU–India relations were established and strengthened in the past decade. The EU also concluded some trade negotiations, but the complete free-trade agreements (FTAs) are still in the dialogue phase. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents abstracts of papers on international relations. "International Relations Theory and the India-Pakistan Conflict," by E. Sridhara; "International Relations Theory and Minimum Deterrence," by Rajesh M. Basrur; "Conceptualizing Nuclear Deterrence: Pakistan's Posture," by Rasul Bakhsh Rais; "South Asia: The Irrelevance of Classical Nuclear Deterrence Theory," by Bharat Karnad.

The Islamic Republic of Pakistan faces many internal and external challenges and remains a major point of reference in contemporary international security analysis. This article examines selected issues relating to Pakistan's foreign policy contextualized within the transformations in the security dynamics of South Asia. The specificity of the security environment in South Asia, the least politically and economically integrated region of the world, engaged in the protracted Kashmir conflict, serves as the starting point for the multi-dimensional study of the key objectives of Pakistan's foreign strategy towards its neighbouring states, such as India, China and Afghanistan. Methodological approach for this research is based on offensive realism, which seems to present the appropriate explanatory tool for studying the South Asian securityrelated specificity. The naya (new) Pakistan narrative, promoted by the Prime Minister Imran Khan seems hardly a game-changing chapter in the history of the state. Analysis of Pakistan's current policies, persistent domination of the army over the state's bureaucracy, increasing dependency on external loans and bailouts provokes rather opposite conclusions. Pakistan's strategic goals vis-à-vis Afghanistan and India exploit its own resources and strongly affect the regional security system whilst the country has no adequate means to achieve them. Consequently, there is a vital need of a paradigm shift in Pakistan's regional security calculus from ideologically motivated, unfeasible claims to a more cooperative posture, supplemented by campaigns for de-radicalization. This research study was conducted during seven trips to Pakistan during the last decade; the results and conclusions of this study were discussed and debated with academics and other South Asia experts both in Asia and in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main focus of the article is on the Pakistan China security environment in the context of United States India strategic convergence and possible repercussions on the regional security particularly and global security as well. In this era momentous developments have taken place in the context of US-India strategic partnership. The United States is single super power in the world after the disintegration of the USSR. It is evident that the United States has short-term strategic targets as well as long term strategies in the regional and international politics. It seems that the United States is desirous to secure its protuberant and foremost status in the regional and international political scenario. United States have altered its policy towards South Asian order to achieve its core strategic intentions of having a dominant and leading status in the region in the backdrop of 9/11. The United States has restructured its security policy to accomplish its strategic objectives and has constructed its defense and military conglomerate with India. The United States and India have progressed to engaged egalitarianisms which is based on common strategic leverage in the region, political and economic gains. The designs and arrangements, United States and Indian developed cooperation is not of the same like in the cold war era between the stake holders but by using all the ways and diverse linkages, the United States is advancing its strategic policy objectives in the South Asia. This paper will explore the opportunities and challenges for Pakistan and China security environment in the context of these momentous developments in the region. The authors will also focus on the complicated security situation in South Asia to arrive at a logical solution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of water has a central position in world politics. The flow of trans-boundary water makes it relevant for more than one state. Rapid increase in world population, industrialization, urbanization and scarcity of fresh water resources has put immense pressure on water resources, both surface and ground water. South Asia is the part of world inhabiting about one quarter of global population and presenting to the world most volatile conflicts. Interstate hydro politics is today one of the most important issues on states' agenda. The partition plan of India and Pakistan sowed the seed of this conflict. The other states of South Asia i-e, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal are also in a constant rift with India over water. This paper tries to explore the causes of this conflict, the intensity which water scarcity has assumed and its implications for regional relations. The research has suggested water governance as a solution to this issue on part of all states for internal management of water resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the importance of the assertion or prevention of regional leadership for the future global order, this paper examines the strategies and resources being used to assert regional leadership as well as the reactions of other states within and outside the respective regions. Secondary powers play a key role in the regional acceptance of a leadership claim. In this article we identify the factors motivating secondary powers to accept or contest this claim. Two regional dyads, marked by different degrees of "contested leadership" are analyzed: Brazil vs. Venezuela and India vs. Pakistan. The research outcomes demonstrate that the strategies of regional powers and the reactions of secondary powers result from the distribution of material capabilities and their application, the regional powers' ability to project ideational resources, the respective national interests of regional and secondary powers, and the regional impact of external powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a conflict ridden region, the significance of confidence building measures can not be over emphasized. These can be very useful in lessening tensions, avoiding conflicts and can even lead to cooperation and peace between antagonist states. South Asia with Pakistan and India, the two traditional foes are in need of serious efforts to contain and control tensions. The urgency for CBMs has grown especially after the nuclearisation of South Asia. The volatile situation in the region calls for non military and military CBMs. Even though no dramatic results are to be expected but atleast CBMs between Pakistan and India may help in building a requisite level of trust among them for a more peaceful region and avoidance of explosive situations like that of Kargil when both were at the brink of a nuclear war. The history of CBMs in South Asia is not very impressive as there are a number of limitations over CBMs, these constraints have to be looked into and dealt with as to have a more conducive atmosphere for negotiating and implementing CBMs. To bring about the true spirit of CBMs, the policy makers have to deal with the limitations first. Some of these constraints do not have a local origin and more seriously are prompted and propelled by international events and actors. This paper examines the history of CBMs in South Asia, the various limitations and their effects on the chances and probabilities of success of CBMs and the required bilateral and international cooperation so as to bring peace in nuclear South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first phase of India's Look East Policy in 1991 was exploratory in nature and tinged with more idealism and optimism to break out of the South Asian region which was stagnating in economic growth. The second phase of India's Look East policy took stock of the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997 to 1998 and China's growing linkages with the Southeast Asian region. In 1997, mainly through the diligence of Thailand, a new grouping that could act as a bridge between Southeast and South Asia was established called BIMSTEC. The objective of the paper will be to argue that BIMSTEC balances India's engagement with Southeast and South Asia but it also counters China's growing influence among ASEAN members, in particular Myanmar. Thailand is the driving force behind BIMSTEC activities as this would enhance its trade hub status and engagement policy with Cambodia, Myanmar, Laos and Vietnam (CMLV) states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses some relevant issues concerning whether it is possible to envision arms control and confidence-building and security-building measures (CSBMs) in South Asia, a region characterized by highly competitive and extremely adversarial political relationships. It makes the case that, despite mutual hostility, competing nuclear weapon development programmes and opposing strategic cultures, both India and Pakistan could usefully consider and implement a series of CSBMs in the realm of arms control. These include a unilateral joint protocol to the nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty, regional nuclear fuel cycle options, and CSBMs in the nuclear field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After considering the South Asian context, this paper reflects on the arms control experience of the United States and Soviet Union during the Cold War in order to highlight some of the practical and political difficulties of concluding and implementing meaningful agreements. It then relates the Cold War experience to what has been achieved in South Asia, explores what realistic opportunities exist for the region, and concludes by arguing that, with political will, significant progress on both formal and informal arms control agreements is possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Confidence-building and threat reduction measures have a considerable track record in South Asia, and include a number of important successes. The absence of trust, however, remains an obstacle to further progress towards a more stable and less conflictual relationship between India and Pakistan. This paper suggests some new trends for peace are emerging, and argues that, while Kashmir remains the key to the eventual defusing of tensions, both India and Pakistan can make significant progress, particularly in the political realm, to create a climate more conducive to peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'Neighbourhood First Policy' is the anchor point of India's general foreign policy since independence in 1947. Subsequently, the Neighbourhood First Policy has evolved, was debilitated, and has been reformed under the various prime ministers of India. Based on preferences and perceptions about the South Asian neighbourhood, the Neighbourhood First Policy has been implemented differently. This article aims to analyse the Neighbourhood First Policy of India under four different prime ministers (Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Inder Kumar Gujral, and Narendra Modi). The article investigates the pretexts behind each premier's way of handling the Neighbourhood First Policy followed by an empirical analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's foreign policy shift in South Asia has been largely driven by its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which seeks to enhance connectivity and economic cooperation across Asia and beyond. South Asia, with its strategic location and growing economic potential, has emerged as a key area of focus for China under the B RI. In this context, China has pursued a multipronged approach, which includes infrastructure development, economic cooperation, and strategic partnerships with key countries in the region. One of the key components of China's foreign policy shift in South Asia has been its emphasis on infrastructure development. China has invested heavily in the construction of roads, railways, ports, and other infrastructure projects in the region, with the aim of improving connectivity and facilitating trade and commerce. These investments have been largely made through the BRI framework, which has provided China with a platform to promote its economic and strategic interests in the region. China has also sought to deepen economic cooperation with South Asian countries through the BRI. This has involved the signing of a number of bilateral and regional trade agreements, as well as the establishment of special economic zones and industrial parks. Through these initiatives, China has sought to increase its access to South Asian markets and promote the growth of its own economy. In addition to these economic initiatives, China has also sought to establish strategic partnerships with key countries in the region. This has involved strengthening its ties with countries such as Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh, which have strategic significance due to their location and their potential to provide China with access to key markets and resources. These partnerships have also involved cooperation in areas such as defense and security, with China seeking to establish a greater presence in the Indian Ocean region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental security concerns have broadened the national security agenda and discourse of international relations. Yet environmental insecurity issues have endured impacts on livelihood, human security, social equity, human rights, internal security, political stability, economic growth and development of the state. Environmental challenges, such as climate change, water scarcity and energy security are shaping development and consumption patterns, which are possible causes of inter-state conflict in South Asia. This paper is an attempt to evaluate the nexus of climate change, energy and water security with conflict and development. Furthermore, we argue for the need for environmental diplomacy in Pakistan within the South Asian context. The argument is that integration of development with environmental factors and peacemaking has potential to achieve sustainable development in South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]