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The Turkomans are considered to be the integral part of a political space often reflexively labeled as “Turkic World.” Following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the Turkoman communities in Syria and Iraq have undergone a complex evolution leading to their current status as politically organized distinct ethnic groups. This transformation has been predetermined by the policies of the colonial powers and the rise of Arab nationalism that was aimed to establish the united “Arab Homeland.” It was only with the decline of Baathist regimes that Turkomans started to gain political recognition. How have the Turkomans in Syria and Iraq evolved culturally and politically over time? Do they perceive their future as being closely linked to their Arab “host” countries, or do they harbor aspirations of coming back to their historical Turkic legacy? What support do they receive from Turkey, and what is offered by Syrian and Iraqi authorities? We have analyzed the Turkoman issue through a structural and identity-based lens, examining how these communities have navigated their relationships with the Arab states they reside in and their historical ties to Turkey. The framework proposed by R. Brubaker, which examines the interactions between marginalized ethnic minorities, nationalizing states, and external homelands, provides a valuable tool for understanding the complex dynamics involving Turkoman communities in Syria and Iraq. The research findings indicate that Turkoman identity remains robust, albeit with a notable shift towards a more inclusive national-state dimension. Despite constituting a minority group, Turkomans in both countries are actively advocating for recognition within society and asserting their cultural rights. The primary Turkoman political factions in both countries have garnered backing from Turkey, although the nature of this support is complex. In Iraq, Turkomans are inclined towards seeking Turkish patronage while also demonstrating a willingness to engage with the Iraqi government. Conversely, in Syria, Turkomans residing along the border have successfully established a self-governing region with the Turkey’s assistance. Furthermore, a segment of Turkomans place emphasis on their religious affiliations, such as identifying as Shiite or Alawite.

The problem of divided societies and divisions in societies acquires special significance against the background of growing socio-political tensions in the internal and external political dimensions around the world. The West is ceasing to be an area of predominant tranquility and wellbeing. In recent years, in European societies a trend of increasing divisions has also emerged. The article analyzes old and new socio-political divisions (cleavages) within the Portuguese society. The choice of Portugal as a case study is due to the combination of several factors: the memory of the Carnation Revolution, the attitude towards the European project, the imperial past, Catholicism/secularism, and the historical legacy of the Salazar dictatorship. The theoretical and methodological framework of the study is based on the use of the concept of divided societies and constructivism as the main epistemological tools, while the country studies analysis is also applied. The authors attempt not only to identify the basic socio-cultural divisions in the contemporary Portuguese society, but also answer the question of whether it is possible to speak of a divided society in relation to the Portuguese case. The emphasis is placed on the peculiarities of Portugal’s historical path as a post-imperial state whose specificity is largely due, first, to the heritage of the Portuguese maritime empire, and, second, to the legacy of the 1974 Carnation Revolution. The key cleavages that are at the center of the analysis are the legacy of the Carnation Revolution, the European project, the imperial legacy, the religious configuration, and the Salazar heritage. The conclusion is that the Portuguese society has managed to avoid the most negative scenario of the development of the situation and has a chance of consolidation.

The author, using the identity approach and discourse analysis explores a serious political conflict in today’s Spain about historical memory, threatening solidarity and civilian identity of the Spaniards and also political stability in the society, divided on a variety of characteristics – economic, social, territorial, cultural, value, ethnic, linguistic, etc., which have acquired or are acquiring a political dimension. The alternative politics of memory, which are declared and carried out by different competing actors of political process at the country level, first of all being government and opposition parties, are analyzed in the article. The expression of authorities’ discourse of the present left coalition government on the issues of Spanish past in the country’s mediasphere is considered to understand the extent and depth of public and political debate on key problems of Spanish history and memory. The author uses a historical metaphor of conflict of the “two Spains” to assess “memory wars” in Spanish society, multicultural and divided on various grounds, identifying short-term (with a view of forthcoming general parliamentary elections, which will take place in 2022) and long-term strategic risks for inclusive nation-building and sustainable development of the country. A conclusion is made that a division based on party ideological principles is axial (dominant) in “memory wars”, despite the remaining sharpness of the vertical conflict between center and some particularist regions (primarily Catalonia); within the frame of this conflict there are attempts to reassess, anonymize, and get a hold of or mythologize various historic events and personas. Nowadays the dispute between “rightists” and “leftists” in assessment of Second Spanish Republic, number of victims on both sides during the civil war, Francoist regime, success of democratic transition in post-Francoist period and other “difficult” questions across Spanish past becomes more emotionally charged, deep and aggressive.

Under the Sport for Development and Peace (SDP) umbrella, an increasing number of sport projects are staged all over the world to improve the social, cultural, educational or psychological circumstances of marginalized and/or fractured communities. In research on such initiatives, only limited empirical examinations exist that focus specifically on garnering the perspectives of key players from local communities regarding value and impact of SDP. In addressing this issue, our study investigates the local lessons learnt from 13 Football for Peace (F4P) partnership projects that featured a mixture of Jewish, Arab, Bedouin and Circassian communities in Israel. Following an interpretive mode of enquiry, 30 interviews and two focus groups with key stakeholders were conducted, with an emphasis on exploring local experiences. Our findings highlight the diversity of community perspectives in relation to the following themes: values and delivery; engagement and commitment; and scope, regularity and sustainability. Specifically, our analysis illuminates the diverse interpretations and responses that exist in relation to the ethos, meanings and achievements of F4P, and calls for an appreciation of the intricacies, complexities and nuances in the way that the programme (and SDP work more generally) is received. Finally, the article demonstrates how the multiple theorizations and interpretations of community found within academic literature are reproduced and literally played out – but also contested, challenged, rejected and reformulated – in the practice of SDP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that, in divided societies, social entrepreneurship can be an effective strategy for regional development if it is integrated with conflict engagement. It views both social entrepreneurship and conflict engagement through a social constructionist lens and employs theory building methods from action research and programme theory evaluation. The argument is presented in the form of a 'programme theory of action', called the 'Studio for Social Creativity' that provides the conceptual and practical basis for promoting development in Israel's northern periphery, a region characterized by socio-economic stagnation as well as deep social divisions, especially between Jewish and Arab Palestinian inhabitants. The programme theory of action includes a description of the context, the problem framing, underlying assumptions, action strategies and intended outcomes. It hypothesizes that integrating social entrepreneurship and conflict engagement impacts regional development by redefining inter-group relationships, enhancing social networks, activating social capital, leveraging diversity and challenging existing power structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]