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This article reviews prominent definitions of global competency, explores the available (though limited) current evidence for its potential benefits, and offers recommendations for framing an understanding of the salience of global affairs education within theories of national security and related practice. The article identifies three potential pathways through which global competency benefits security. First, global competency—especially through phased primary, secondary and tertiary educational models—may contribute to a stronger and more competitive workforce in direct and indirect ways, in turn enhancing a country's innovative capacities and economic and military power and resilience to shocks. Second, global competency can serve as a form of public diplomacy, in turn supporting a country's soft power and global influence. Third, global competency can strengthen domestic institutions, combatting dis/misinformation about global issues and reducing vulnerability to malign actors who aim to leverage inaccurate and fear-based messages about the world to influence and destabilize foreign electorates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political & International Approaches / Faṣlnāmah-i Rahyāft/hā-yi Siyāsī va Biyn/almilalī is the property of Shahid Beheshti University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Alternative Politics / Alternatif Politika is the property of Alternatif Politika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

AbstractIn a manner almost reminiscent of the Ottoman Empire’s frantic search (late nineteenth to early twentieth century) for müstemlekat (colonies) in Africa, modern Turkey seems to have revived its imperialist dreams in contemporary Africa. Following the elaboration of a proactive African foreign policy strategy, Turkey declared 2005 the Year of Africa, and established diplomatic relations with a raft of Muslim-majority African countries (MMACs). While Ghana is not an MMAC, Turkey re-established diplomatic ties with Accra in 2010, heralding a burgeoning relationship. Drawing on the theory of sub-­imperialism in tandem with the diplomacy of architecture (DoA) framework, this work will argue that Turkey has cleverly utilised the symbolism and siting of the Ghana National Mosque Complex (GNMC) to make the most visible and audacious broadcast yet of its imperial intentions in Africa, and in record time. In unpacking the argument my primary interest will be to canvass the view that architectural imprints have become a powerful cultural weapon in the geostrategic soft-power arsenal of recent rising powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the end of 2019, the world has been shocked by a new disease called the coronavirus or called COVID-19 which started from one of the cities in China, namely Wuhan. The researcher uses a qualitative approach based on the type of data taken and then explained descriptively in order to produce a discussion that leads to the conclusion of the research. The purpose of China's diplomacy vaccine as soft power and how to implement the diplomacy vaccine between Indonesia and China. China's vaccine diplomacy not only aims to help other countries to deal with COVID-19 and its impact, but also aims to improve China's good image shown by international relations, especially with Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the sources of Turkish, Iranian, and Saudi soft power in the Middle East through the utilization of Joseph Nye's soft power concept. The study is based on three claims. The first claim argues that there exists an increasing discrepancy between espoused values and actual practices in Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia at home, which may undermine their soft power. The second claim contends that cognizant of the fact that the Palestinian cause is a major concern for most of the Middle Eastern people, all of the three states pursue an active foreign policy to alleviate the plight of the Palestinians. Finally, the last claim upholds that Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia have been benefitting, albeit to varying extents, from high culture products such as education and popular culture products such as mass entertainment and tourism to appeal to the public in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Administrative Sciences / Yonetim Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of Canakkale Onsekiz Mart Universitesi, Terzioglu Kampusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study of religion and international relations has achieved renewed attention in the last two decades. This study investigates a specific aspect of this field: religious soft power. It focuses on individuals who were affected by religious soft power and develop a typology of courses of action these individuals can take vis-à-vis their home state. I argue that individuals can take three different types of actions: disruptive, reformative, and transnational. Using the cases of the Catholic Church and its followers, ISIS and Sunni believers, and the relations between Israel and the Evangelicals, I assess how these alternative actions are being manifested by different groups of individuals. Lastly, I offer an answer to the question of when individuals would use disruptive action and when will they use reformative one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conceptualisation and popularisation of soft power have spurred nation-states to establish and operate international institutions of cultural diplomacy (ICD) to exert global influence through cultural activities. The uniqueness of ICD lies in its many multiplicities: multi-national operation, multi-level coordination, and multi-actor participation. Such multiplicities challenge the understanding, policy design, and assessment of ICD. In response to this compounding challenge, this article constructs a transformational governance framework with a focus on the dynamic relationship between governing decisions (measured by the dimensions of structure and process) and institutional capacities including legitimacy, efficiency, flexibility, and sustainability. The utilities, benefits, and limitations of the framework as a policy and research tool are discussed through the case of the Chinese Confucius Institute (the CI). We argue that the CI's top-down decisions are shaped by international political discourse and target legitimacy as the institutional capacity, whereas the CI's street-level governance is largely driven by the considerations of efficiency and sustainability as the institutional capacities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing interdependence among nations, the advancement of science and technology and the impact of globalisation have made it less useful for nations to rely predominantly on hard power to pursue their foreign policies' goals. In the contemporary era, nations have shifted their attention to soft power as an alternative policy to maximise gains from other countries. Although the exercise of hard power is still relevant in international relations, soft power has become a less destructive option. For instance, sports has proved its power as a tool of diplomacy at different times. In India, cricket has moved from its status as a mere sport to a powerful instrument of diplomacy. In this article, the authors analyse the value of sports in general and cricket in particular as an instrument of public diplomacy, its capacity for nation branding, and the future prospects of cricket in pursuing India's foreign policy goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Anbar University for Law & Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the European Union's response to Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine in the field of migration, arguing that EU visa and refugee policies encompassed a distinctive foreign policy and soft power dimension. On one hand, by restricting visa policy for Russia, the EU signalled the delegitimization and isolation of the Kremlin. On the other hand, by adopting temporary protection for Ukrainians, it sent a clear message of support to Ukraine, while also portraying the EU as the defender of freedom and democracy. Through an analysis of EU documents released in the first month of the war, the article thus posits that both visa and refugee measures were employed as soft power tools, contributing to the juxtaposition of an aggressive and isolated Russia, against a responsible and united EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the politico-diplomatic dimension of the 1935 and 1938 Germany-England football matches played during the National Socialist era. Despite being represented in both countries as international friendlies, these games proved highly politicized affairs because of the centrality of the British-German relationship in international affairs and the politization and diplomatization of international sport during the 1930s. The 1935 game, played in London, became the focus for a high-profile public campaign, led by trade union, Jewish, and other lobbying groups hostile to Nazi Germany, to ban the match. In turn, the 1938 fixture is famed for the Nazi salute, the 'infamous gesture' that British diplomats and Football Association officials instructed the England team to give before the beginning of the match. Using the archives of the Auswärtiges Amt (Foreign Ministry) and Bundesarchiv (Federal Archives) as well as a selection of German newspapers, this article provides an informed German perspective on both matches, which hitherto have been studied principally from a British perspective. Focused upon German aims, perceptions, political influences, and propaganda goals, this case study highlights the 'soft power' methods of totalitarianism in terms of both the adaptation of totalitarianism to football and the adaptation of football to totalitarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Once depicted as a flagship case for the soft power—based foreign policy of young democracies, Turkey's conduct of foreign affairs following its authoritarian backsliding has been increasingly associated with hard power. Using the case of Turkey's Africa policy under the AKP, this article challenges this reading and its underlying conceptual assumptions. To overcome the spurious democracy—soft power vs. autocracy—hard power dichotomy, it argues for adopting a process-oriented approach to analysing the foreign policies of (autocratising) states by focusing on, firstly, the foreign policy situations in which they mobilize power resources to a particular end; and, secondly, the extent to which they attempt to gain control over societal power resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into local public diplomacy from the perspective of climate action. A cross-sectional analysis is made of the climate perspective in the international 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda, considering the social, political, and economic challenges implied by human alteration of the environment. The websites of local municipal corporations in Portugal are analysed to identify the information referring to Agenda 2030 and its convergence in climate action. To this end, a content analysis method was designed based on the relationship of the Agenda’s sustainable development goals (SDGs) with their associated climate change goals. Attention is paid primarily to the websites’ fixed sections, and secondarily to their informational content and external portals. The method is applied to the websites of seven of Portugal’s municipalities. Conclusions are drawn concerning whether or not they provide information on climate change so that the effort directed by these local governments towards climate action can be determined. A comparison is made with the international case. This tool contributes to localizing the SDGs and prioritizing environmentally important components. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper discusses the development of public diplomacy policies and their implementation by the Turkish government through aggregate investment data and within the broader regional and global context in which the country’s policies evolved. Its main aim is to show how regime type is interrelated with foreign policy in general and public diplomacy as a branch of it. Turkey is a fruitful case because the country has experienced significant democratic backsliding since 2011, unlike the first period when the Justice and Development Party (henceforth AKP) came to power in 2002. The discussion over the data on budgets of various institutions responsible for adopting public diplomacy policies shows that cultural and educational public diplomacy received a major increase in investment, especially within the last six years, whereas the budgets for other institutions have fluctuated over the last ten years. Although the paper’s purpose was to provide a comprehensive picture of Turkey’s public diplomacy throughout the AKP rule since 2002, its main data source remains limited to the last decade. Thus, the availability and transparency of the data and its indication of the relationship between regime qualities and public diplomacy policies are also noted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the strategic use of education as a tool of soft power, focusing on China's investment in the education of Qatari human capital. It explores how education, a non-coercive form of influence, contributes to China's global reputation and socio-economic progress. The research employs a mixed-method approach, including quantitative surveys and qualitative interviews, to assess the impact of Chinese educational investments on Qatari students. The findings indicate that China's educational support, through scholarships and cultural exchange, positively influences Qatari students' perceptions and fosters a favourable image of China. The study highlights the significance of educational investment in building soft power, with China utilizing scholarships and cultural programs to attract international students, particularly from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) region. The effectiveness of China's soft power strategy is demonstrated through increased educational cooperation under the "Belt and Road" initiative, contributing to China's global influence and international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding Pakistan's foreign policy is a herculean task because Pakistan has a diverse kind of country in its geostrategic and geoeconomic circumstances. This chapter will explain the theoretical and operational understanding of Pakistan's foreign policy framework in the contemporary world. Pakistan's geostrategic conditions are challenging and lucrative at the same time. Three nuclear powers surround it: China, India, and Russia. The fourth nuclear power is Pakistan, which is in the region. Iran, the fifth nuclear power, is in the making. Therefore, Pakistan is balancing its relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia, as an extremely Shia country and as a Sunni country, respectively. China is a communist, and the US is a democratic country, but Pakistan's foreign policy is based on mutual interests and peaceful co-existence. The qualitative method would mainly be used to test this research's hypothesis based on Pakistan's ability to sustain itself in the comity of a nation as a soft power and peaceful country instead of a warmonger in the region. The consolidation in the form of recommendations will also be included at the end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The states of the Arabian Gulf present a novel case for the examination of relations between authoritarian governance and Christian organizations. The economic clout of the Gulf states has been central to political stability and legitimacy but they are increasingly seeking to expand and consolidate the soft power and resilience through political and diplomatic initiatives. This article examines how the Christian organizations established in recent decades by large migrant communities are incorporated into this strategy and how they are responding. It argues that religious tolerance has formed a central discourse in governmental policies and narratives that construct the Gulf states as modern progressive nations, despite their unique political systems based mainly on constitutional monarchies with limited political participation. This constructs local Christian communities as a source of soft power, despite their position as a religious minority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ascendance of India as an economic power is well documented. This rising India has also focused on increasing its soft power and influence in international politics, especially through the dissemination of its values of ancient cultural heritage such as Buddhism, yoga and engagement with the diaspora. In the field of human rights as well, as a founding member of the United Nations (UN), India has participated in the framing of the Universal Declaration on the Human Rights and has signed various UN Human Rights Treaties and Conventions over the years. However, in the particular case of addressing caste discrimination, India has shied away from the international recognition of Dalit rights as human rights. Indian diplomats have continually opposed any internationalisation of caste-based discrimination and its linkage to racial discrimination at the global level, especially in the UN. In this scenario, how does the international community view India's ascendance with respect to this issue? This article argues that India must play a leadership role in defending the rights of discriminated caste groups if it seeks to enhance its soft power credentials of being the largest democracy and demonstrate itself as a responsible power at the global level with respect to human rights issues. Furthermore, the norm that UN has tried to create of categorising caste discrimination as a form of racial discrimination cannot be strengthened without India's support as India happens to be the most relevant state actor in this case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the earliest studies of soft power in International Relations, the importance of educational exchanges has been well-established. Studies of international education in the context of Canadian soft power often draw on cases from the higher education sector. This article argues that greater attention should be paid to the K-12 level, especially as budgetary pressures in Ontario's education system are leading school boards to rapidly expand their international student recruitment efforts. Although this is not an example of intentional soft power projection, it nevertheless represents an important reminder that subnational actors may accidentally become paradiplomats whose actions have consequences on the international level. Further, this case reveals the importance of paying attention to actors typically overlooked by IR scholarship. Drawing on Joseph Nye's theory of soft power and in conversation with prior research on international education as a mechanism of soft power projection, this article traces the thread between budgetary pressures in Ontario school boards and the broader context of soft power projection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Studies - Economics, Finance, Politics is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article argues that China is advancing its relations with Iran and Pakistan based on pragmatic balancing, a key component of soft balancing, to safeguard and advance national self‐interest. China's relationship with Pakistan is based on shared interests to counter the Indian hegemony in South Asia and end the Chinese energy security dilemma through an overland route of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The bilateral relationship has enhanced and expanded over the years, despite steep transformations in regional geopolitics. Meanwhile, abundant Iranian energy reserves and Tehran's willingness to support China against the United States in the Middle East encouraged the Chinese leadership to sign a strategic deal with no significant ramifications for Pakistan and CPEC. The fair‐weather friendship between China and Iran remains limited in scope, often suspending cooperation in various domains, including energy and defense. Nonetheless, an all‐weather friendship between China and Pakistan sustained the collaboration of security, economy, and diplomacy, meticulously representing sincerity and cordiality. Related Articles: Bishwakarma, Jham Kumar, and Zongshan Hu. 2021. "Problems and Prospects for the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)." Politics & Policy 50(1): 154–79. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12443. Singh, Amit, and Amit Sarwal. 2017. "Paraspara, Encounters, and Confluences: India's Soft Power Objective in the Indo‐Pacific Region." Politics & Policy 45(5): 733–61. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12222. Zaidi, Syed Muhammad Saad. 2020. "American Global Supremacy under Threat? The Chinese Factor." Politics & Policy 49(2): 502–28. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12402. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The original concept of soft power embraced the belief that culture, values and foreign policy practice are the basic resources upon which this type power is based. This article argues that popular national leaders can also – maybe even more so – be treated as soft power resources as their popularity and trustworthiness go hand in hand with the positive public opinion about their countries abroad. This hypothesis is tested against survey data collected from all over the globe by the U.S.-based polling institute Pew Research Center over the last two decades. The data shows a strong positive correlation between the public confidence in a leader and the view of their country abroad in almost every case that was examined. The view of a country among foreign audiences often changes with the change of its top leadership. The results of this reseach cast doubt on whether national culture and values rather than national leaders are the preeminent source of soft power of any given country in international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia, in its competition with the liberal world for establishing the dominant discourse—alongside hard power military means—deploys soft power, leveraging the allure of illiberal values to forge foreign policy alliances, undermine the credibility of international institutions, and reshape the global order. Russian strategic narratives delineate the political objectives of the Russian government. In a contest for discursive authority with other global actors, Russia presents its vision of a new world order—a world partitioned among major powers—where Moscow holds the authority to determine the fate of peoples in the "Greater Eurasia" region, including Europe [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With decline of the unipolar system and US hegemony, Turkey, just like other middle powers and the great world powers, has been seeking a repositioning in the emerging multipolar order and claimed by a new international system. The orientation and nature of this quest has been strongly influenced by the prominent figure of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the leader of Islamist AKP party that has ruled Turkey for most of the 21st century. This long period has produced big social, political, economic and cultural changes in Turkey, which have also had an impact on its foreign policy. In the last twenty years, Turkey has modified its strategy of international insertion, both from the theoretical-doctrinal point of view as well as from the available resources and objectives. While it has not officially established a Grand Strategy, however, based on the recent actions by the Turkish government and analytical literature, it is possible to identify its main components. One of them is its intended reach at different levels: national, regional (with the determination of new areas of influence) and global, resorting to a mixture of elements of soft and hard power, with greater relevance of force in the last stage, due to circumstances considered as threats by Turkey. In any case, speaking of a grand strategy, it is necessary to try first to delimit this concept in general and identify its characteristics for Turkey in particular, as well as its challenges and main limitations, at the 100th anniversary of the Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of TESAM Academy Journal is the property of Tesam Academy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"Non-institutionalized cultural diplomacy" involves anything that comes into contact with the external public, images, objects, individuals in contact with the external public. Industries with cultural content contribute to the "Power of Attraction" as the main ingredient of "Soft Power". IT hardware manufacturers or car manufacturers, fashion industry, design companies, are attentive to the cultural impact. They emphasize "storytelling", context and cultural relevance that de facto constitute a non-institutionalized cultural diplomacy of a country with which it is associated a certain product. This association produces comparative advantages for the producing company and for the country with which it is associated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social Sciences & Humanities Studies / Društvene i Humanističke Studije (DHS) is the property of Faculty of Humanities & Social Sciences, University of Tuzla and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Education aid comprises an essential part of Turkey's overall development assistance, often given special attention as a part of its soft power and public diplomacy. The current study aims to examine Turkey's activism in international education through education aid. It is argued that Turkey's rise as an education aid donor country is mainly the result of a transformation in its foreign policy, of which education aid is an increasingly prominent part. Recipient needs, fragile state priority, cultural affinity, and donor self-interest are the primary rationales for the provision of education aid, and its sustainability depends on solving certain substantial economic and geopolitical issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Changes in the structure of the global single-polar system and the transition towards a multi-polar order highlight the new norms of the global order. It is clear that the dominance of the new normative order and the elements of the new structural meaning are primarily considering the decline of US hegemony and its redistribution among new poles. These conditions create more space for the expression of competing cultural ideologies. In such a space, there are ample opportunities for culturally and civilizational rich actors like Iran to emerge. The importance of this issue becomes more apparent when we realize that key players in the new structure, such as China, lack the high capacity to confront Western cultural-hegemonic dominance regarding the absence of modern software. In an era where the main characteristic is "Power Dispersion," some of the material shortcomings of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be remedied to play an effective role in the new era of cultural power vacuum, if attention is paid to its software capacities. Therefore, the main question of this research is formed by examining what software-based priorities for the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the cultural Iran region suggest. In response to this question, with a descriptive-analytical approach by gathering a library of data, highlighting the coordinates of the new global order, and examining the coordinates of the cultural Iran region. The main recommendations of this new situation for the foreign policy of I.R.I in the cultural Iran region are explored. The results indicated that the framework of this software capacity can be explained in three dimensions: culture, values, and foreign policy. This capacity has gained a particular significance in connection with the concept of the Islamic Revolution and the opportunities it has created. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Management & Economics Research is the property of Journal of Management & Economics Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The mass media, which enables states to establish direct relations with societies, has become an effective element in disseminating the states' foreign policy messages, introducing themselves to the peoples of other states, and developing social dialogue to increase their soft power and further their interests. Türkiye, situated at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, asserts itself as a key regional and international actor and has a long history of projecting influence through cultural heritage, and diplomacy. This article searches the dynamic realm of The Republic of Türkiye, which is presently celebrating its centennial, public diplomacy, and communication strategy with its connection to soft power and a particular focus on cultural elements, spanning from the Ottoman Empire to exploring its evolution in response to shifting global dynamics. The study evaluates how Türkiye leverages its cultural components to foster communication with foreign publics, enhance its international image, and increase its regional and international influence. By analyzing the multifaceted aspects of Türkiye's public diplomacy, including its utilization of soft power and cultural promotion, this article seeks to present the integrity of the underlying principles guiding its foreign policy messaging. Methodologically the study benefits from a literature review to determine Türkiye's public diplomacy instruments within historical change and continuity and is based on the analysis of the contents of the most effectively used instruments and institutions. Within this context, the institutionalization of communication tools in the realm of public diplomacy and the role of institutions in conveying Türkiye's image in the Republic's centennial are addressed. The study finds that Türkiye, carrying out public diplomacy activities at a global scale, has enhanced its communication with foreign publics through activities and international broadcasting designed for publicizing its cultural heritage, language, and art in the areas of education, arts, and culture to be an efficient actor in the international arena. Its public diplomacy and communication strategy carried out through bilateral cooperations, agreements, international activities, and broadcasting contribute to Türkiye's soft power within the scope of its foreign policy targets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to explore the impact of climate change campaign by Blackpink towards the Blink Official Indonesia (BOI) community. Currently, the modern diplomacy practice is no longer focusing on the state actor but more importantly, involving non-state actor, especially public figures or celebrities as the ambassador to carry out specific mission of the states or international organizations at the global level. An example of such development is the appointment of South Korea-based music group Blackpink as the goodwill ambassador for the United Nations Climate Change Conference 26 (COP 26) in 2021. The selection of Blackpink as the COP26 ambassador was intended to improve awareness on the global campaign against climate change, especially within the BLINK - Blackpink fans community - worldwide through #ClimateActionInYourArea campaign in the Blackpink official Youtube account. This study used a survey method of 203 sample respondents from a population of followers from BOI accounts on Instagram using probability sampling technique. The analysis results show that Blackpink's celebrity diplomacy campaign encourages Blink Indonesia to develop interest in climate change issues by making donations and emphasizing the importance of climate action in their neighborhood. Such findings confirm the expected effect of attraction tactic of soft power strategy in the current diplomatic practice, that is to co-opt the perception of targeted audience towards specific issue in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of soft power and its impact on the foreign policy of states has a special place in understanding the tools of management and influence, and the directions of foreign policies, where the need for interest in the unconventional manifestations of power emerged, where alternative perceptions of coercion and forcedness have emerged; It is mainly based on persuasion and intimidation, in order for the state to be able, through this option, to influence its regional and international environment. Through this study, we aim to drop this proposition on the path of Turkish-Algerian relations, and the extent to which the Turkish-Algerian political action is compatible with the real implications of soft power. And the search for the impact of geopolitical characteristics on Turkish foreign policy and its use as tools for its soft power in implementing its foreign policy, through which it followed a new strategy called soft power instead of hard power to strengthen its relationship with Algeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arab Journal for Arts / Journal of the Association of Arab Universities for Literature / Al-mağallaẗ Al-ʻarabiyyaẗ li-l-ādāb is the property of Association of Arab Universities and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Inequality in global health is not only in vaccine access and distribution among countries but also in the gap in vaccine diplomacy discourse. The concept of vaccine diplomacy emphasizes how the producer countries use vaccines as a tool of diplomacy and soft power instrument. Therefore, the vaccine-consumer countries are less represented in this concept. This study analyzes and proposes the concept of diplomacy on vaccines (DoV), reflecting the perspective of consumer countries. In DoV, even though developing countries have limitations on producing and accessing the vaccine, they are active in negotiation, lobbying, and involvement in multilateral mechanisms to secure access to the vaccine while promoting equity. DoV explains that vaccine-related diplomacy does not occur in an asymmetrical relationship between producer and consumer countries – but mutual relations with active negotiation. It allows the vaccine-consumer country to use its "soft power" in negotiation to access the vaccine while creating a coalition for equity. However, the vaccine-consumer countries may compete in implementing DoV and are vulnerable to being trapped in the competition of the producers. Furthermore, the DoV may complement vaccine diplomacy by providing a more equal and fair idea of global health diplomacy through the involvement of the vaccine-consumer country's perspective. It represents the term for Third World countries' diplomacy related to the vaccine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: The purpose of this article is to explore the contemporary role of international higher education, research and innovation (IHERI) in international relations (IR). Using an interdisciplinary and conceptual approach, it examines how diplomacy and higher education scholars understand and label the rationales, strategies and contributions of IHERI to IR. The findings indicate that multiple terms are used, resulting in terminology chaos and confusion. The concept of knowledge diplomacy is proposed, defined and analysed as a comprehensive term to frame the role of IHERI in IR. The similarities and differences between knowledge diplomacy and related terms such as cultural, public, science and education diplomacy and soft power are examined. Issues that require further investigation are identified, with special attention given to the differences between using a knowledge diplomacy approach versus a soft power approach to understand the role of IHERI in IR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book "American Universities in the Middle East and U.S. Foreign Policy" by Pratik Chougule examines the role of American universities in the Middle East and their relationship to U.S. foreign policy. It explores the historical evolution of this relationship, the challenges and opportunities these universities present, and their impact on the region. The book also discusses the significance of bilateral partnerships, the involvement of American universities in the global war on terrorism and nation-building efforts, and the role of American universities in the education landscapes of the region. It highlights the concept of American soft power and knowledge diplomacy and its influence on regional stability and development. The book provides case studies that demonstrate the variations and impacts of American universities in different locations, and it explores the ideological challenges these universities pose as geopolitics, regional tensions, and U.S. foreign policy interact in the region. The author also notes the complex challenges and tensions faced by university administrators in maintaining their positions and operations. The book concludes by discussing the role of higher education in consolidating and propagating influence in different regions of the world, with examples from Russia and China. However, it suggests that the book could have explored the underlying ideologies and tensions more fully, particularly those stemming from imperial and colonial practices. Overall, the book provides insight into the effects of U.S. foreign policy and the complex interactions between geopolitical, U.S., regional, and higher education events and processes in the Middle East. [Extracted from the article]

International Relations (IR) scholars have theorized the significance of communication and messaging across state borders, using notions such as soft power, sharp power, propaganda and illiberal communication. This study contributes to this body of research by investigating narrative persuasiveness by way of a large-scale experimental exploration of narrative reception. The projection of strategic narratives has become a central feature of modern influencing across borders. Despite the existence of a growing literature on the potentially harmful effects of such narratives, however, their persuasiveness remains under-researched. This article seeks to help fill this gap by asking what might induce people in Sweden to side with strategic narratives projected by Sputnik, the Russian state-funded news media platform. The article puts a central component of Walter Fisher's classic narrative paradigm to the test: the notions of narrative probability (consistency and coherence) and fidelity (previous life experience). In a rare large-scale survey experiment (N = 2,032), three narratives from Sputnik were presented to respondents to establish the potential perceived narrative probability and fidelity. Contrary to Fisher's argument and some previous works on strategic narratives, the results show that people can be persuaded by a narrative without having personal experience of the topic, and despite regarding the text as incoherent. This indicates that information influence projected through strategic narratives can be effective regardless of the form of the message and even when introducing unfamiliar ideas. This is an interesting addition to findings in previous studies that source awareness does not negatively affect the effectiveness of strategic narratives. The article ends by highlighting contributions to previous research on persuasion and by suggesting avenues ahead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on health diplomacy not only deepens global health governance but also enhances the sharing of information and resources in the field of public health. A bibliometric study was conducted on health diplomacy works published between 1993 and 2023 with "health diplomacy", "medicine diplomacy", "health and foreign policy", or "vaccine diplomacy" as the keywords. VOSviewer and CiteSpace were used to perform the bibliometric analysis. A total of 2,216 articles from the Web of Science database were analyzed. Results found that the United States held a prominent and influential position in health diplomacy studies, followed by China, the United Kingdom, and Australia. The London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine, the University of Toronto, and Harvard University were the top three research institutes for health diplomacy. The article from Feldbaum et al. (2010) served as the representative and symbolic reference. These findings showed that topics including power, Covid-19, security, soft power, WHO, vaccine diplomacy, and governance, though with shorter spans, were the focal points in recent years. In addition, health diplomacy research exhibited interdisciplinary, cross-cutting, and temporal characteristics closely related to factors such as politics, economics, environment, and public goods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In twenty-first-century international relations, the telling of stories is as important an instrument of national power as are military strength or economic prowess. Geared not towards coercion or inducement but rather drawing on the forces of attraction and persuasion, such practices can be attributed to the realm of soft power, which plays a key role in today's great-power politics. Starting from these premises, the article explores the role of memory and its relation to soft power. By way of an empirical example, it argues that the recourse to and utilisation of memory constitutes a crucial component in China's quest for global power. In so doing, the article first establishes a conceptual bridge between soft power and memory in international relations. Subsequently, by taking into account contemporary empirical evidence, it identifies and discusses two select narratives – colonialism and tianxia – as core components of Chinese mnemonic soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do Taiwanese officials view democracy and culture and how do they plan to utilise these two soft power resources as part of advancing the island's international position? Based primarily on interviews conducted with state officials in Taiwan, this paper analyses Taiwan's soft power repositioning in the regional and global soft power competition and examines its advantages and disadvantages. It discusses the institutional and geopolitical constraints Taiwan faces when trying to implement its soft power policy and addresses the internal disagreements over utilising its cultural and democratic achievements. It concludes that despite the utility of soft power in pursuing its foreign policy agenda, Taiwan faces a few major institutional and conceptual obstacles, keeping Taiwanese diplomacy in a transitional period from old thinking about culture and diplomacy while hesitantly evaluating its soft power resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]