Search

Copyright of Alternative Politics / Alternatif Politika is the property of Alternatif Politika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines Russia’s foreign policy tools in Africa and analyses the Russian sphere of influence on the continental countries. In this context, it is discussed that Russia has exploited the foreign policy legacy left by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in coordination with its intervention tools and has gradually increased its engagements in the continent. The abandonment of the Cold War strategy of leading the Communist parties and movements outside its borders paved the way for a period in which Russia prioritized state interests and redesigned its African policy accordingly. The article aims to analyse the hybrid intervention approach that brings together the soft and hard power elements of Russia increasing its interaction with the African countries to which it has given a different economic, political, and cultural importance due to the Ukraine war. In this direction, it is claimed that the hybrid model, which encompasses election interference, media and communication studies, trade relations, disinformation activities, and covert paramilitary formations, basically centres on Pan-Africanism, anti-Western approach, and economic expansionism. The study uses the literature review method. In terms of examining the effects of the economic, political, and security-based consequences of the Ukraine War on Russia’s tendencies and policies towards Africa, the study differs from the existing literature and provides a comprehensive framework for the perception of Russia in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese political and economic gains in Africa have been increasing at an alarming rate. Despite the fact that some of these have been favourable, China's presence in Africa has received considerable criticism. African states have similarly responded to this Chinese trend with most of them enjoying Chinese support ranging from economic development to political involvements. These however are mostly embraced by the so-called undemocratic states. China has a core direction on how they carry out their relations with any foreign nation. This paper aims at explaining these policies and see how effective they have been for the parties involved. The article is supported by qualitative data accessed from scholarly writings, the government publishes, articles, and also from web pages. Because the subject is broad in scope, a range of challenges was encountered relating to the authenticity of the sources. Similarly, the topic is rich in content; some parts of the coexistence of the relations shared by these two regions have been left out. Much emphasis has been directed toward economic relations without leaving out the social and political aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Academic Inquiries / Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi is the property of Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi (Journal of Academic Inquiries) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Africa Spectrum is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One Belt One Road project (One Belt One Road-OBOR), which is planned to be completed in the centenary of the People's Republic of China, is China's global hegemony initiative, designed to increase the influence of the Chinese state in global politics in 21st century. One of the most important routes of this initiative is the African continent with its resources and human potential. With the OBOR project, China puts special emphasis on Kenya, Djibouti, Ethiopia and Egypt by including the African continent through the sea silk route. The main purpose of this study is to reveal the impact of the People's Republic of China on African countries in the long term by examining the importance of the African continent for the OBOR project. Another aim of the study is to examine the debt-trap diplomacy applied by China in detail. The main hypothesis of the study is the idea that the African region will be economically dependent on the Chinese state within the scope of the OBOR project and that China will exercise political control over this region. This is the biggest danger awaiting African countries, as stated in the title of the article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The continent of Africa, which has long been neglected in the international stage for many years, and which has not received the attention it deserves from neither centres of power poles, especially Sub- Saharan Africa has become a centre of interest after the collapse of the bipolar system. The global financial crisis of 2008 intensified the competition the Powers across the world, and enhanced Africa's attractiveness as a resource-rich continent. After the 2008 crisis, Africa has become one of the geopolitical competition grounds for the United States (US) and rising powers (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and Turkey). After the year 2005, the US began to show real interest in the continent, and with the establishment of US Africa Command (AFRICOM) in 2007, African policy of the USA was identified with AFRICOM. The policies that the United States followed for sub-Saharan Africa between 2005 and 2015, when current theories and analyses of international relations were yet to be fully implemented, have influenced Africa's transformation and regional balances of power. In the adoption of US foreign policy decisions, domestic and international public opinion is critical; however, the external threat perception based on identity and background in African countries have also been important in determining these policies. After the 2008 Crisis, the US engagements in Africa were carefully selected and governed in such a way to achieve national interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multidisciplinary studies do not only interpret a subject from different aspects but also offer more than one solution to the problem. These studies try to interpret and solve the subject they are dealing with sometimes only by natural sciences such as physics and medicine, and sometimes only by social sciences such as history and political science. This review evaluates the Ebola epidemic, which occurred in West African countries in 2014, from the perspective of medical and international relations and ethics sciences. The medical component of the article discusses the routes of transmission of Ebola disease, the role of wild animals such as bats in transmission, and the index case. The international relations component of the article analyzes the steps taken by the Turkish government and civil society organizations about the 2014 Ebola outbreak. While examining the steps of the state as commercial relations and grants, the civil society dimension conveys the support provided by aid organizations to Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. The ethical component of the article discusses the legitimacy of a number of political steps taken by governments in the name of Ebola treatment in these three countries and shows how traditions in Africa are valued more than global health principles. The article, like a multidisciplinary study, offers solutions to prevent Ebola disease from recurring as it did in 2014. It is emphasized that more vaccination is required as a solution proposal of the medical component. As a solution proposal of the component of international relations, it is stated that global action plans should be prepared, and new health policies should be developed in the fight against outbreaks. The solution proposal of the ethical component is to educate people in this region more consistently and to make them accept that global health is superior to traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bilge Strateji is the property of BILGESAM and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Yearbook of International Relations is the property of Ankara Universitesi, Faculty of Political Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After 13 years of selecting situations, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has thus far only investigated conflicts in Africa. This has led to accusations of the Court having an African bias when selecting which conflicts to prosecute. Some African leaders have even accused the court of simply being a tool of western imperialism. This article attempts to determine the veracity of the Africa-bias allegations by examining the ICC’s current practice of selecting situations, as well as by placing the debate within the broader context of international criminal tribunals and conflict selectivity.

Copyright of Africa Spectrum is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Africa Spectrum is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Middle East Yearbook / Ortadoğu Yıllığı is the property of Bilgi Kultur Dernegi (Knowledge & Culture Association) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Sahel security issues in Africa and the Malian crisis in particular have brought the region to the center of the Algerian foreign policy concerns. Algiers has been an indispensable provider of stability in the African Sahel. In recent years, weak governances, political instability and fragile security have become common features of the Sahelian states. The large quantity of natural resources of the Sahel has paved a road for foreign intervention and increasing rivalry among the world economic powers across the region. In order to safeguard the long-term security in its backyard, in many times the Algerian leaderships have promoted state-building and dialogue as the best ways to lift states of the Sahel out of crisis. Neighboring countries like Mali are looking to Algiers to play an effective role in leading conflict management efforts in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Review of the edited volume: Christopher Cramer, Laura Hammond, and Johan Pottier (eds.), Researching Violence in Africa: Ethical and Methodological Challenges, Leiden: Brill, 2011, ISBN 978-9-00420-312-9, 192 pp.Besprechung des Sammelbandes: Christopher Cramer, Laura Hammond, and Johan Pottier (Hrsg.), Researching Violence in Africa: Ethical and Methodological Challenges, Leiden: Brill, 2011, ISBN 978-9-00420-312-9, 192 Seiten

Contribution to the Debate on Anthropology in Africa in Africa Spectrum.Beitrag zur "Debate on Anthropology in Africa" in Africa Spectrum.

Contribution to the Debate on Anthropology in Africa.Beitrag zur "Debate on Anthropology in Africa" in Africa Spectrum.

Contribution to the Debate on Anthropology in Africa in Africa Spectrum.Beitrag zur "Debate on Anthropology in Africa" in Africa Spectrum.

Using the metaphor of the elephant and the three blind men, this paper discusses some elements of the scholarly debate on the postcolonial turn in academia, in and of Africa, and in anthropology in particular. It is a part of the context in which anthropology remains unpopular among many African intellectuals. How do local knowledge practices take up existential issues and epistemological perspectives that may interrogate and enrich more global transcultural debates and scholarly reflexivity? Many an anthropologist still resists opening his or her mind up to life-worlds unfolding themselves through the interplay between everyday practice and the manifold actions and messages of humans, ancestors and non-human agents in sites of emerging meaning-production and innovative world-making. African anthropologists seeking recognition find themselves contested or dismissed by fellow anthropologists for doing “native”, “self” or “insider” anthropology, and are sometimes accused of perpetuating colonial epistemologies and subservience by fellow African scholars who are committed to scholarship driven by the need to valorise ways of being and knowing endogenous to Africa. This essay calls on anthropologists studying Africa to reflect creative diversity and reflexivity in the conceptualisation and implementation of research projects, as well as in how they provide for co-production, collaboration and co-implication within anthropology across and beyond disciplines.Unter Rückgriff auf die Fabel vom Elefanten und den drei weisen Männern diskutiert dieser Beitrag einige Elemente der Debatte zur postkolonialen Wende in der Wissenschaft – innerhalb und außerhalb Afrikas und insbesondere in Bezug auf die Ethnologie. Unter vielen afrikanischen Intellektuellen ist die Ethnologie immer noch unbeliebt. Inwieweit greifen lokale Wissenspraktiken existentielle Fragen und epistemologische Perspektiven auf und stellen damit die globale transkulturelle Debatte und wissenschaftliche Reflexion infrage oder bereichern sie? Viele Ethnologen scheuen sich immer noch, sich gegenüber Lebenswelten zu öffnen, in denen die alltägliche Praxis mit den facettenreichen Handlungen und Botschaften von lebenden Menschen, Vorfahren und nicht-menschlichen Wesen verwoben ist – an Orten, an denen zunehmend neue Bedeutungsformen und innovative Welten entstehen. Afrikanische Ethnologen, die sich um Anerkennung bemühen, machen die Erfahrung, dass sie von anderen Ethnologen infrage gestellt oder abgelehnt werden, weil sie angeblich eine selbstbezogene oder Insider-Ethnologie betreiben, oder dass sie von afrikanischen Wissenschaftlern – die selbst auf Stipendien angewiesen sind und sich daher bemühen, spezifisch afrikanische Lebensarten und Wissenswelten aufzuwerten – beschuldigt werden, sich kolonialen Erkenntnisinteressen zu unterwerfen. Der Autor des Beitrags fordert Ethnologen, die zu Afrika forschen, dazu auf, bei der Konzeptionierung und Durchführung von Forschungsprojekten auf kreative Vielfalt und Reflexivität sowie auf Möglichkeiten der Zusammenarbeit innerhalb der Ethnologie und über die Disziplin hinaus zu setzen.

This paper takes a critical look at the view that the Internet can serve as a laboratory of political experimentation for reconfiguring the repertories of political actions. The overall discourses on information and communications technology (ICT) are too often focused on technology and infrastructure, when the question of its use should be central. In order to comprehend how ICT can serve as a democratic enhancer, this paper critically examines the African anthropology of the state and of the public sphere. It captures the African endogenous productions of political modernity and the subsequent way ICT is appropriated and indigenized by African local instances. African states and civil societies do not fit into prescriptive Western paradigms. In order to encourage the effective use of new technologies, this paper has developed the so-called “African model of ICT practice”, which proposes a set of hypotheses that aim to enable the effective usage and integration of ICT within the democratic process in the context of an African self-defined political reality.Dieser Beitrag unterzieht die Vorstellung, das Internet könne als Labor für politische Experimente dienen, um neue politische Aktionsmöglichkeiten auszuloten, einer kritischen Prüfung. Nach Ansicht der Autorin sind die übergreifenden Diskurse zu Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien (IKT) allzu oft nur auf Fragen der Technologie und Infrastruktur konzentriert, während die Frage nach ihrer Anwendung im Zentrum stehen sollte. Um zu erhellen, inwieweit IKT demokratiefördernd wirken können, verweist sie auf die historische Konstituierung von Staat und Öffentlichkeit in Afrika, die endogene Herausbildung politischer Modernität und die entsprechenden Formen lokaler Aneignung und Anpassung von IKT. Staat und Zivilgesellschaft in den Ländern Afrikas entsprechen nicht den vorgegebenen westlichen Modellen. Die Autorin entwickelt ein “African model of ICT practice“ und legt Hypothesen dazu vor, wie eine effiziente Einbeziehung und Anwendung von IKT in demokratischen Prozessen im Rahmen der selbstdefinierten politischen Realitäten Afrikas möglich wäre.

Al-Qaeda’s influence in Africa is growing. From 2009 to 2011, activity by Al-Qaeda was noted in 19 African nations and regions. Four regional Al-Qaeda organizations operate on the continent, which in turn often have several sub-organizations: the Egyptian Islamic Jihad, the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (with its suborganizations Al-Qaeda in Mali, Al-Qaeda in Mauritania, Al-Qaeda in Morocco and Al-Qaeda in Sudan) and Al-Shabab in Somalia. Since Osama bin Laden’s death on 2 May 2011, the influence of African leaders within Al-Qaeda has increased significantly. All three presumed members of the strategic command level originate from Africa. The revolutions of the Arab Spring have not harmed Al-Qaeda. This contribution highlights the potential for further expansion by Al-Qaeda on the African continent, and how this needs to be responded to.Der Einfluss von Al-Qaida in Afrika wächst. In den Jahren 2009 bis 2011 wurden Al-Qaida-Aktivitäten in 19 afrikanischen Staaten und Gebieten registriert. In Afrika gibt es vier Al-Qaida-Regionalorganisationen, die wiederum oft mehrere Unterorganisationen haben: Ägyptischer Islamischer Jihad (EIJ), Libysch-Islamische Kampfgruppe (LIFG), Al-Qaida im Islamischen Maghreb (AQIM, mit den Unterorganisationen Al-Qaida im Sudan, Al-Qaida in Mali, Al-Qaida in Marokko, Al-Qaida in Mauretanien) sowie die Al-Shabab in Somalia. Nach dem Tod von Osama bin Laden am 2. Mai 2011 ist der Einfluss von afrikanischen Führern in der Al-Qaida deutlich angewachsen. Alle drei mutmaßlichen Mitglieder der strategischen Führungsebene kommen aus Afrika. Die Revolutionen des “Arabischen Frühlings” haben Al-Qaida nicht geschadet. Diese Entwicklungen könnten zu einer weiteren Ausbreitung von Al-Qaida auf dem Afrikanischen Kontinent beitragen.

Contribution to the Debate on Property and Land Rights in Africa Spectrum.Beitrag zur "Debate on Property and Land Rights" in Africa Spectrum.

Against the backdrop of current research on the city, urbanity is understood to be a distinct way of life in which (in the spatial, factual and historical dimensions) processes of densification and heterogenization are perceived as acts of sociation. Urbanization is thus understood to include and produce structuration processes autonomously; this also includes autonomous linguistic practices, which are reflected as sediments of everyday knowledge in language and thus create the instruments needed for facilitating and generalizing such urbanization: urban languages. In this conceptual context, which looks at cities in Africa from the point of view of language sociology, two large phases of urbanization can be distinguished in Africa. The first phase is related to trade networks and cultural métissage of small groups of middlemen. The second phase, characterized by efforts to deal with Africa’s colonial history and to catch up with “the world”, presses ahead with the development of an autonomous, authentic modernity. The reconstruction of the development undergone especially by the more recent urban languages raises questions about the connotations of urbanization and modernization in contemporary Africa: on the one hand, dissociation from colonial legacies as well as from the postcolonial political elites, impotent administrations, and tribalist instrumentalizations of language and language policies; on the other, quite the reverse – the creation of autonomous African modernities that include the city (and the state), brought about by the interplay of both local dynamics and global flows. Vor dem Hintergrund aktueller Stadtforschung sowie der Konzeption von Sprache/Sprechen als Wissenssediment und Praxis wird davon ausgegangen, dass Stadtsprachen als Ressourcen und Resultate der Vergesellschaftung des urbanen Raumes anzusehen sind. In diesem konzeptuellen Rahmen können für Afrika zwei große Phasen der Urbanisierung unterschieden werden: Eine, die – noch präkolonial – mit Handelsnetzwerken und kutureller métissage in Verbindung zu bringen ist, und eine, die sich an der kolonialen Geschichte Afrikas und dem Anschluss an “die Welt” abarbeitet und die Entwicklung einer eigenständigen, authentischen Moderne vorantreibt. Die Rekonstruktion der Entwicklungswege insbesondere neuerer Stadtsprachen wirft Fragen hinsichtlich der Konnotationen auf, die mit Urbanisierung und Modernisierung im zeitgenössischen Afrika einhergehen: der Abgrenzung von kolonialen Erbschaften wie der postkolonialen politischen Eliten, ohnmächtigen Verwaltungen, tribalistischen Instrumentalisierungen von Sprache, aber umgekehrt auch der Produktion eigenständiger, Stadt (und Staat) einbeziehender afrikanischer Modernitäten in der Auseinandersetzung mit der eigenen Geschichte wie auch globaler ökonomischer, politischer, kultureller und sozialer Strömungen.

Although throughout the history of anthropology the ethnography of urban societies was never an important topic, investigations on cities in Africa contributed to the early theoretical development of urban studies in social sciences. As the ethnography of rural migrants in towns made clear, cultural diversity and creativity are foundational and permanent elements of urban cultures in Africa (and beyond). Currently, two new aspects complement these insights: 1) Different forms of mobility have received a new awareness through the concept of transnationalism. They are much more complex, including not only rural–urban migration, but also urban–urban migration, and migrations with a destination beyond the continent. 2) Urban life-worlds also include the appropriation of globally circulating images and lifestyles, which contribute substantially to the current cultural dynamics of cities in Africa. These two aspects are the reasons for the high complexity of urban contexts in Africa. Therefore, whether it is still appropriate to speak about the “locality” of these life-worlds has become questionable. At the same time, these new aspects explain the self-consciousness of members of urban cultures in Africa. They contribute to the expansive character of these societies and to the impression that cities in Africa host the most innovative and creative societies worldwide. Auch wenn die Ethnographie städtischer Gesellschaften in der Geschichte der Ethnologie nie eine große Rolle gespielt hat, leisteten doch Untersuchungen zu urbanen Lebenswelten in Afrika einen wichtigen Beitrag zur frühen theoretischen Entwicklung sozialwissenschaftlicher Stadtforschung. Wie die Ethnographie von Migranten aus ländlichen Räumen in afrikanischen Städten schon damals deutlich machte, sind kulturelle Diversität und Kreativität grundlegende und dauerhafte Elemente urbaner Kultur in Afrika (und weltweit). In letzter Zeit haben zwei wichtige Aspekte diese frühen Einsichten ergänzt: 1) Verschiedene Formen der Mobilität haben durch das Konzept der Transnationalität neue Relevanz gewonnen. 2) Zu urbanen Lebenswelten gehört auch die aktive Aneignung global zirkulierender Bilder und Lebensstile; sie trägt wesentlich zur kulturellen Dynamik afrikanischer Städte bei. Beide Aspekte sind ursächlich für die außerordentliche Komplexität heutiger urbaner Lebenswelten in Afrika. Daher steht infrage, ob es noch angemessen ist, von der „Lokalität“ dieser Lebenswelten zu sprechen. Zugleich erklären diese Aspekte das Selbstbewusstsein der Angehörigen urbaner Gesellschaften in Afrika. Sie tragen zum expansiven Charakter dieser Gesellschaften bei sowie zu dem Eindruck, städtische Gesellschaften in Afrika gehörten zu den innovativsten und kreativsten weltweit.

Africa has recently come to the forefront of world politics as part of the emerging South. Its increased prominence in the global discourse as a “new frontier of development” signals the recognition of its economic potential. Indeed, the continent has registered an average 5 per cent annual GDP growth rate over the past decade. However, there is more to the story than that: The rising profile of the African continent also reveals the growing role of a number of its countries in the emergence of a new South agency. It is argued that South–South cooperation is an opportunity. The discussion of the current situation in Africa understood as a continent in all its diversity including sub-Saharan Africa, but also the Maghreb and Egypt, will therefore be placed into this wider context. The renewal of a South agency witnessed over the past decade is somewhat different from the trilateral alliance of Asia–Africa–Latin America formed in the wake of decolonization. Current mega-trends demonstrate that the global South, driven by a number of regional powers, will play a vital role in shaping the twenty-first century. Understanding the complexities of this renewed agency is vital for addressing old wounds that marked the emergence of a South voice in the not-so-distant past. In jüngster Zeit ist Afrika als Teil des emerging South in den Vordergrund der Weltpolitik gerückt. Seine zunehmende Prominenz im globalen Diskurs als new frontier of development signalisiert die Anerkennung des ökonomischen Potenzials des Kontinents. Tatsächlich konnte Afrika im vergangenen Jahrzehnt eine durchschnittliche jährliche BIP-Wachstumsrate in Höhe von 5 Prozent verzeichnen. Aber es geht um mehr: Die wachsende Wahrnehmung des afrikanischen Kontinents ist Ausdruck der immer wichtigeren Rolle einiger afrikanischer Länder bei der Entstehung einer neuen South agency. Die Süd-Süd-Kooperation wird wieder als Möglichkeit erkannt. Die Diskussion der aktuellen Lage Afrikas – in all seiner Vielfalt zwischen subsaharischem Afrika, Maghreb und Ägypten – muss in diesem umfassenderen Kontext geführt werden. Die Erneuerung der South agency, die im vergangenen Jahrzehnt zu beobachten war, ist nicht gleichzusetzen mit der trilateralen Allianz Asien-Afrika-Lateinamerika in der Phase der Dekolonisation. Jüngste Megatrends signalisieren, dass der “globale Süden”, vorangetrieben von einigen Regionalmächten, bei der Gestaltung des 21. Jahrhunderts eine ganz wesentliche Rolle spielen wird. Ein Verständnis für die Komplexität dieser neuen Akteursrolle zu entwickeln, ist die Voraussetzung, wenn man alte Wunden ansprechen will, die in nicht allzu ferner Vergangenheit die Herausbildung einer Stimme des Südens begleiteten.

Review of the monograph: Pierre Englebert (2009), Africa: Unity, Sovereignty, and Sorrow, Boulder, Co. & London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, ISBN: 978-1-58826-646-0 (Hardcover) / 978-1-58826-623-1 (Paperback), 310 pages. Besprechung der Monographie: Pierre Englebert (2009), Africa: Unity, Sovereignty, and Sorrow, Boulder, Co. & London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, ISBN: 978-1-58826-646-0 (Hardcover) / 978-1-58826-623-1 (Paperback), 310 Seiten.

In this farewell lecture on the occasion of his departure as Professor of Development in sub-Saharan Africa at Leiden University and Director of the African Studies Centre (ASC), Leiden, the author starts with the vuvuzela issue as an illustration of the lack of confidence the world has in South Africa organizing and running the World Cup smoothly. He takes that as a sign that there still exists a stereotype of African incompetence, despite the social and economic progress Africa has witnessed in the last decade. He does not want to argue that African Studies have not been able to offset such a stereotype. What he tries to show is that it is not clear from the wealth of actor-oriented research in African Studies what the main social, political and economic trends in Africa are. He argues that actor-oriented research in African Studies should try to increase its relevance by contributing — through meta-analyses and comparative research — to the discussion on social, political and economic trends in Africa. Special attention should be paid to the possible rise of the developmental state in Africa. In doing so, African Studies may also substantiate its claim that it is able to challenge the universal pretensions of mainstream social science. In seiner Abschiedsvorlesung als Professor für Entwicklung im subsaharischen Afrika an der Universität Leiden und als Direktor des African Studies Centre (ASC), Leiden illustriert der Autor unter Hinweis auf die Diskussionen um die Vuvuzelas, wie gering das Vertrauen weltweit ist, dass der World Cup in Südafrika reibungslos organisiert und durchgeführt werden kann. Er sieht dies als Beispiel dafür, dass das Stereotyp der Inkompetenz in Afrika – trotz der sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Fortschritte auf dem Kontinent in der letzten Dekade – immer noch weit verbreitet ist. Er möchte nicht darüber klagen, dass die Afrikaforschung bislang nicht in der Lage war, ein solches Stereotyp zu beseitigen; vielmehr möchte er aufzeigen, dass die große Zahl handlungsorientierter Studien in der Afrikaforschung die wesentlichen sozialen, politischen und ökonomischen Trends in Afrika nicht klar herausgestellt hat. Er plädiert für eine Erhöhung der Relevanz handlungsorientierter Forschungsansätze, indem sie – durch Metaanalysen und vergleichende Forschung – zur Diskussion der sozialen, politischen und wirtschaftlichen Trends in Afrika beitragen. Besondere Aufmerksamkeit solle dem möglichen Wiederaufstieg des Entwicklungsstaates in Afrika gewidmet werden. Damit könne die Afrikaforschung auch ihren Anspruch untermauern, den Universalanspruch des Mainstreams der Sozialwissenschaften infrage zu stellen.

Investigating why Latin American music came to be the soundtrack of the independence era, this contribution offers an overview of musical developments and cultural politics in certain sub-Saharan African countries since the 1960s. Focusing first on how the governments of newly independent African states used musical styles and musicians to support their nation-building projects, the article then looks at musicians’ more recent perspectives on the independence era. Der Beitrag gibt eine kurze Übersicht über die Entwicklung ausgewählter Musikstile in verschiedenen afrikanischen Ländern seit der Unabhängigkeit. Der Autor schildert die Bemühungen der Regierungen in den jungen Nationalstaaten, Musik in ihr Projekt des nation-building einzubinden; er folgt dem Blick, den Musiker in jüngster Zeit auf die Unabhängigkeitsära richten, und diskutiert dabei die Frage, warum ausgerechnet lateinamerikanische Musik zum “Soundtrack” der Unabhängigkeit wurde.

Introduction to the Featured Topic "50 Years of Independence in Africa", Africa Spectrum, Vol. 45, No. 3 (2010) Einleitung zum Themenschwerpunkt "50 Jahre Unabhängigkeit in Afrika" in Heft 3, Jahrgang 45 (2010) der Zeitschrift "Africa Spectrum".