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Objectives: Little is known about how international functions of higher education, such as exchange programmes, can be resumed during recovery from a disruptive global crisis, such as COVID-19. We collected the opinions of administrators of international exchange programmes regarding their plans to resume their exchange programmes in the recovery phase and identified variations in the responses concerning institution type (public vs. private) and the presence or absence of a medical school. Method: We used multiple-choice survey questions in our study, resulting in 180 valid responses. We examined overall patterns using descriptive statistics and institutional uniqueness using Fisher's exact test. Results: Governing organisations and domestic university networks are expected to initiate the resumption of student exchange programmes. Respondents indicate that they would rely on infection prevention experts at their institutions as sources of information for their decision-making. Public universities would rely more extensively on their staff's opinions whilst private universities would consult with external experts. Universities with a medical school indicated a greater likelihood of referring to the opinions of experts at their institutions. Implication for Theory and/or Practice: Higher education systems vary across nations. However, extant studies have shown some shared features, and the findings may have implications for higher education institutions internationally. Policy incentives and support may encourage public universities to participate in the global recovery of international education. During global public health infectious crises, institutions without a medical school may require more government support. Conclusions: Institutional variations should be considered to effectively encourage universities to adapt to changing dynamics in the recovery of international education.

This article examines Japan's security and foreign policy as an example of how a major power engages in the liberal international order (LIO) and what this implies for the future of that order. Facing China's increased power and influence in the past two decades, Japan has made strategic adjustments in response to regional and global power transitions while developing an idea of a wider geopolitical landscape on Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's initiative. However, this article argues that Japan's idea of an expanded regional scope and its vision of order were addressed decades earlier through 'comprehensive security' (sogo anzen hosho). While the country is an ally of the United States and clearly accepts the alliance as a key part of international order, Japan has its own ideas about international order; these accept much of the LIO but go beyond it, particularly in the articulation and operationalization of comprehensive security. By adopting the concept of norm localization, this article argues that Japan does not have the power to coerce others to take any actions to defend the current international order, but it can adapt and tweak the dominant LIO norms, principles and practices to build congruence with local norms of sovereignty and territorial integrity embedded in its own region. To create a broader consensus in favour of sustaining the LIO, major powers like Japan can approach the sceptics by presenting an alternative to either total rejection or total acceptance of the LIO norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two-thirds of the global child population lives in countries affected by violent and high-intensity conflict. International humanitarian law provides broad protection for children in the event of armed conflict. However, as the 2017 report of the un Secretary-General on children and armed conflict stresses, the scale and severity of grave violations has increased. This paper addresses the central puzzle of why the existing legal and normative frameworks of child protection have achieved so little, in addressing the marginalisation and disempowerment of children in armed conflict. We argue that the contemporary application of r2p in protecting children will be limited unless at least two fundamental challenges are met: (a) taming power politics; and (b) squaring inherent contradictions between the global r2p norm and national and regional normative frameworks of child protection. We highlight the case of Japan to illustrate the limits of the contemporary application of r2p in protecting children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cities are increasingly adopting potentially sustainable climate plans. Integrating the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) into these plans could help stabilize the climate while generating jobs, narrowing equity gaps, fostering innovation, and delivering other sustainability benefits. Yet, how much cities are integrating the SDGs into climate plans remains poorly understood. This article shed light on this question with a text analysis of SDG "keywords" in climate plans for two British and two Japanese cities. The results revealed that none of the surveyed cities have connected climate with socioeconomic priorities covered in SDG1 (poverty), SDG8 (employment), SDG5 (gender), and SDG10 (inequalities). Meanwhile, the United Kingdom cities made more connections between climate and responsible consumption and production (SDG12) than the Japanese cities. Further, Kyoto, Japan shares a climate-SDGs linkages profile that resembles the United Kingdom cities more than Kawasaki. Though not without limitations, text analysis can facilitate the city-to-city peer learning needed to make urban climate plans sustainable within and across countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on understanding the factors affecting the subconscious minds of urban citizens in terms of promoting clean energy and deregulation of the electricity sector. Does risk perception related to climate change and nuclear energy effect their choices? Does it differ between cities? A comparative analysis was performed for four cities after the accident at the Tokyo Electric Power Corporation's (TEPCO)'s Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant in 2011. This article uses a modeling technique based on surveys gathered in 2012. The results show that nuclear risks had a larger influence than climate-change risks with regards to supporting the deregulation of the electricity sector in TEPCO-serviced cities. Meanwhile, in non TEPCO-serviced cities, nuclear risks were more influential when the proportion of nuclear within the energy mix of the local utility was large. When the proportion was low, climate-change risks had the larger influence. Meanwhile, results from all four cities show that there is indeed a positive causal relationship between citizens' levels of awareness of climate change and energy savings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]