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In Latin America, the land has been an important issue in driving political and social change since the end of the 15th century, when European conquistadores began their colonial rule, to the present. The purpose of this study is to examine the changing meaning of land, by looking at cases of the Latin America's most representative rural social movements, i.e. EZLN in Mexico and MST in Brazil. In particular, this study distinguishes two currents of environmentalism in Latin America: elitist environmentalism and grassroots environmentalism. The former understands nature as a natural resource that can be developed or nature that needs to be preserved from a human-centric point of view, based on the ‘modern Western view of nature.’The latter understands the environment from the perspective of 'socio-nature', which is not simply a nature that is used and appreciated by human beings, but a more-than-human ecological space, that is, a space where humans and nature coexist. In this context, the meaning of land demanded by Mexico's EZLN and Brazil's MST can be better understood from the perspective of grassroots environmentalism. Both the EZLN and the MST call for land reform, which is not limited to the sense that land is arable land in the economic and social sense that must be secured for capitalist production in the process of agricultural modernisation or under a globalised system of agricultural production. Rather, their demand for land is closely related to the demand for productive justice that can sustain a human life through alternative modes of production, rather than the current mainstream model of development, and the demand for recognition of the political space(territory) that can determine these alternative modes of production and ways of life. Thus, land in these movements can be understood as territory as a political and ecological space for alternative development, beyond the meaning of economic and social arable land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the expansion of the public sphere to the virtual space and the appropriation of the internet by social movements, this paper seeks to analyze which representations are put into circulation in the public space, through the Landless Movement (MST) website on Landless solidarity, which involve the donation and production of food, during the Covid-19 pandemic, in the period of August 2020. It is supported by the Theory of Social Representations, Content Analysis, and the study of the main symbolic utterances of discourse. It concludes that the circulated representations of Landless solidarity create new meanings about the importance of agrarian reform and the MST in Brazil and its role in the fight against hunger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the history of Brazil, a country that became entangled with the latifundium, land is synonymous with power. The struggle for land in the present time carries tensions and marks of na unfinished history, in which present/past and past/present are mixed and re-signified, however, the historical concentration of lands remains. Agrarian reform in the state Mato Grosso do Sul (MS) and in Brazil takes place, in particular, based on the struggles undertaken by rural social movements and the contradictions of the national agricultural policy. The creation of rural settlements is the main instrument of the agrarian reform policy. In this sense, the article reflects on the creation of rural settlements in the state of MS, between the years 1984 and 2013. In addition to the bibliographies on the topic, data from the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA) was used, through the Information System for Land Reform Projects (SIPRA). The research adds to other investments in understanding the complexity of the paths and deviations of the struggle for land and in the creation of rural settlements in Brazil, starting from the state of MS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article has as goal to analyze the contributions of rural social movements to the construction of inclusive educational policies from the 90's of the 20th century, a period that in Brazil and Latin America the neoliberal policy was underway in all dimensions of society redesigned the state action. It is in this period, too, that the rural social movements place, with greater emphasis, in the political agenda of their organizations, formal education as a banner of struggle. The research, based on bibliography and documents, mapped the collective actions developed by the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) in order to guarantee the right to school education in agrarian reform settlements and camps, focusing on the proposals and what managed to ensure within the scope of educational policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The University Journey for Agrarian Reform (JURA) at the Federal University of Uberlândia takes place traditionally through a national agenda of events for this purpose. The intention of this text is to reflect the territorialization of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transvestite and Transsexual movement within the land conflict's movements at Brazil, especially those linked to Via Campesina. A conversation circle was promoted by the researchers at the 5th University Conference in Defense of Agrarian Reform at UFU. The insertion of this agenda is a process that is taking place on a national scale. The circle raised issues that are often made invisible, such as the agenda of peasant sexualities and the LGBT experience within land reform camps and settlements in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Religião e Sociedade is the property of Instituto de Estudos da Religiao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Tamoios is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract To what extent can Social Identity (or the sense of belonging to a group) induce one of the transacting parties to sell his product by using the governance structure endorsed by the group to which he/she belongs (even if that decision contradicts the efficient alignment principle outlined by Transaction Cost Economics - TCE)? To this end, we incorporate the idea underlying the microfoundations of strategy into TCE. First, we revise the motivation driving economic behavior in vertical trading transactions by incorporating Social Identity into the utility function of one of the transacting parties. This implies that he/she would also wish to maximize his/her acceptance by the group to which he/she belongs. Second, we explore the conditions in which social identities matter most to the governance decision, as well as their respective effect on the governance choice: will the discriminating alignment hold or will other decisions prevail? Empirically, we conducted a survey together with 109 rural producers in one of the oldest agrarian reform settlements to be supported by the Social Movement MST in Brazil. We sought to see how they sold their produce (market relationships, vertical integration or cooperatives — the arrangement endorsed by MST). Our choice was motivated mainly by the identification of these producers with MST. The results indicate a positive and significant relation between Social Identity and the use of the governance mechanism encouraged by the group to which the agent belongs (in our case, MST). This effect is stronger than is that of transactional attributes when said social identities are strong. This implies that the efficient alignment might not hold when social identities are very high, because the motivations driving economic relations can be more complex than are transactional attributes alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main land reform movements in the world are taking place in Brazil, where various social groups have coordinated their efforts to acquire legal possession of unproductive estates. Although the results achieved over time regarding this dispute are viewed as progress in terms of social inequality, there is no knowledge about the performance of these various movements to date. Based on this context, the main objective of this paper is to evaluate the performance of the Brazilian states and the last four presidential terms in Brazil in minimising social conflicts over land and efficiently converting occupations into settlements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Brazilian Landless Workers Movement (MST) is one of the largest and most influential social movements in Latin America. Since the very beginning of the movement's agrarian reform struggle, MST leaders have developed a broad-based program of leadership, political training, and education for all participants in the movement. The MST's educational demands are organically connected to the movement's attempt to create, in the present, a new social order based on social justice, participatory democracy, autonomy, and humanistic and socialist values. The goal of this article is to introduce to an English-speaking audience the main contours and components of the MST's educational proposal. The first part of this article discusses the three theoretical foundations of the movement's educational approach and its five pedagogical practices. The second part of the paper presents two concrete experiences of educational institutions administered by the MST leadership: the "Itinerant Schools" in Paraná, a network of public schools located inside MST occupied encampments, and the MST's national political training school, the Escola Nacional Florestan Fernandes (ENFF). Together, these two cases offer concrete examples of how the MST's educational proposal is implemented in diverse Brazilian contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Land reform has been one of the most contentious issues in Brazilian political history. Government administrations since the 1960s have adopted the banner of reform, and the country has implemented vast colonization and redistribution programs, but the objectives and the effects of those programs have varied widely. Throughout this long history, considerable scholarship has focused on the programs themselves as well as on the increasingly radical social movements that have fought for more enduring reform. Most of this work, however, has invoked the state as the site of policy making and political direction and paid little attention to the state workers responsible for actually implementing reform. In this article, I present a qualitative analysis of the agency in charge of land distribution and settlement since 1970, the National Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA). I argue that understanding the politics of reform requires attention to the political culture within INCRA, which can only be explained through examination of the agency’s long history as first a tool of frontier colonization and then a response to social mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The government of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC/1995-2002) played a significant role in the consolidation of policies directed to the countryside and the agrarian reform process in Brazil. The aim of this paper was to reflect on the profile and stresses involved in agrarian reform policy of the FHC government, and the ramifications of this policy in light of the number of settled families and areas obtained for agrarian reform in Brazil. It was used as source texts of researchers who studied the ways and waywardness of the Brazilian agrarian reform and data from the "Fight for Land Database" (DATALUTA/NERA/Unesp/Presidente Prudente). It is understood that during the FHC government, despite the number of settled families and obtained areas have considerably advanced when compared to previous governments, agrarian reform was treated marginally, and the government sometimes denied the struggles and the leadership role of social movements in the countryside. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective this work is to understand the mediation actions -developed between social movements activists, rural workers and their adversaries- in the land occupations in the Northeast of Minas Gerais (Brazil) during the 1980s and 1990s. Interviews were conducted with some of the major figures in this process, as well as the analysis of written material produced by various organizations such as newspapers, booklets, pamphlets, official documents, etc. It is focused on the joints between some meanings produced by the groups involved, the dynamics of construction, deconstruction and reconstruction of the relations of representation of rural workers as well as on the relations between local mobilization and institutional politics. It highlights the alliance and dispute relations between the major groups that performed the occupations -as well as the strong reactions of his opponents-, interactions that decisively influenced the development of the process studied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution draws on Nancy Fraser's concept of ‘participatory parity’ to analyze the reproduction and contestation of inequalities internal to land reform settlements affiliated with the Landless Rural Workers’ Movement (MST) located in the cacao lands of southern Bahia, Brazil. These inequalities are variously manifest in unequal control over land and legal documents, disparities in status and what Fraser calls ‘voice'. These circumstances help account for quantitative evidence that shows a strong preference among local landless populations for land reform organizations that are more decentralized and less hierarchically organized. These circumstances also motivate direct actions undertaken by grassroots MST settlers seeking to destabilize the conditions that ground these inequalities. This research highlights the importance of attending to local histories and interactions through which participatory disparities are christened and reproduced; indicates potential methodological consequences; and examines the interplay of transgressive action, dialogue and recognition as settlers struggle to bring about ‘participatory parity' – or what they might call genuine ‘friendships' – in their communities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Data from a national survey of formerly landless peasants residing in federal land-reform settlements in Brazil (Pesquisa Nacional de Educação na Reforma Agrária- PNERA) confirm that the Landless Rural Workers Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra- MST) has been far more successful than other settlement movements in assuring a better quality of life for its members. This superior performance is attributed to an organizational structure that demands and assures membership involvement, and a commitment to participatory education in an environment that fosters and supports MST's goals and objectives. MST's members have higher self-perceived social status than members of non- MST movements, have better residential environments and more material possessions, and experience an education that emphasizes the movement's principles of social justice, radical democracy, and humanist and socialist values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Intersecoes: Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinares is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Economia e Sociologia Rural is the property of Sociedade Brasileira de Economia e Sociologia Rural and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przeglad Socjologiczny is the property of Lodz Scientific Society / Lodzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudos Sociedade e Agricultura is the property of Revista Estudos Sociedade e Agricultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Literature on conservation and land reform politics concentrates on how local actors are characterized dualistically as either environmental villains or heroes. Here I present three different frames as exemplary of the multiple narratives at stake as actors create environmental subjectivities in relation to political opportunity, based primarily on ethnographic field research in a case study of Projects for Sustainable Development (PDSs) located in the Transamazon highway region of the Brazilian Amazon. I argue that local identities are mediated by their shifting relationships with other interested actors. Through a historical analysis of different frames of identity and land use, I examine how and why representation struggles occurred and shifted, based upon the ways in which powerful actors took advantage of political opportunities. This led to indeterminate outcomes in different local struggles across the region. In the process, local voices were often undermined in favor of interests of more powerful outsiders. The political process through which such struggles occur yield geographically and socially uneven effects contingent upon key events and contestation from disparate groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the use of oral history in the context of land struggle in Brazil. Land concentration, a marked feature of Brazilian society, has been challenged by different social movements, notably the Movimento dos Sem Terra, the Landless Workers Movement (1984). By their collective agency, the landless workers resisted exploitation and expropriation of their means of production, fostering agrarian reform. Based on the remarkable case of land struggle in the São Joaquim Farm, in the southern state of Paraná, it discusses the use of oral history not only as a way of writing and understanding a history from below, but also as a way of empowering social movements, reinforcing a collective identity and enhancing the agency of the participants. Life history or in-depth interviews are understood as part of a biographic method (Marre, 1991), which aims to reconstruct the structural and sociological history of social groups, and to understand how each individual reorganises a collective story in his/her narrative. It concludes that, by taking the experience and the understanding of the history of the invisibles, oral history has implications on the collective agency of the peasantry and the theorization of their social struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses migration histories of residents in rural settlements of the Brazilian Amazon that resulted from direct action land reform (DALR), which involves organised land occupations. Our analysis evaluates two hypotheses. The ‘urban migration’ expectation asserts that urban experience is important for DALR participation, which links rural and urban areas via migration for land occupations. The ‘DALR efficacy’ hypothesis argues that migration and DALR are complementary livelihood strategies, such that participation in DALR obviates the need for further migration. Our findings support both hypotheses and bear implications for regional development and environmental change in the Amazon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: The present paper considers a sometimes contentious process of land reform presently occurring in Brazil. This process, referred to in the paper as Direct Action Land Reform (DALR), involves organizations such as the Landless Rural Workers Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, or MST) and more spontaneous actions of individuals desiring a piece of land for their own. Results of a survey covering 751 households engaged in such land reform actions in the Brazilian Amazon are presented, in order to describe participants and land reform processes. Evidently, social movement organizations provide for a modest degree of wealth accumulation, a welfare improvement that must be set against potential environmental costs. The paper concludes by calling attention to the challenge DALR may ultimately pose to the Brazilian state. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

There is a growing literature on the experiences of participatory democracy in Latin America. Largely focused on urban areas and municipal service provision, the literature provides important lessons as to whether, how, and why participation works to improve the quality of democracy. In this paper, I examine an unlikely case of participatory democracy: the struggle for land reform in the Brazilian countryside. Analysing the relationships between the federal agency in charge of land reform in Brazil (the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform) and the largest grassroots social movement organised to fight for the distribution of land (the Landless Movement) provides evidence of participatory democracy by default rather than by design: government officials who lack the resources and technical capacity to carry out reform are forced to rely on social movement actors who demand attention by routinely transgressing at the margins of acceptable (and legal) behaviour. At the same time, the features of political life in Brazil that allow or force the Landless Movement to collaborate with the state make it difficult for individual settlers to do so. For those individuals who do not feel adequately represented by the movement and attempt to be included on their own, the political system and culture continue to privilege the most powerful, thereby reinforcing prior settlement inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to discuss the ways in which the struggle for land and agrarian reform was built by farmers of the settlement 10 de Abril, located in the municipality of Crato, southern Ceará. The work shows how the history of the community of Caldeirão da Santa Cruz do Deserto, destroyed by Ceará State Government in 1936, worked as a reference struggle that, when remindful organized in 1991 by farmers, has created a political fact which led the processes of territorial conquest and the first rural settlement of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the social movement O Movimento dos Trabalharores Rurais Sem Terra (The Movement of Landless Rural Workers, often referred to as the MST). Based on empirical data collected in Ceara, Brazil during 2005, it explores the social and spatial practices that shape MST communities. Using Henri Lefebvre's theory of spatial production, a framework is developed for conceptualising Brazilian agrarian reform within the context of spatial appropriation and the tactics of counter-hegemonic ideology. Through an examination of emergent MST communities, the paper considers the production and constant rearticulation of space. This spatial analytic, it is suggested, offers new insight into the attributes that frequently distinguish individual MST communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to analyse the land policy carried out by the Popular Front (Frente Popular) government in the State of Rio Grande do Sul - Brazil, by taking into account its guidelines, the dynamics of the political struggle between social actors in rural areas and the general results obtained. The unprecedented character of this government is due to the fact that it was sustained and supported by a coalition of left-wing parties and by a set of social movements and union organisations from the countryside, which was determinant in the presentation of a programme opposing the neo-liberal policies in force at national level. For this reason, this government committed itself to adopt a land policy of its own, opposing the agrarian reform market programme defended by the Cardoso government at national level. The results presented throughout the article reveal that, despite the assumed commitments, and in view of the existing legal, institutional, economic and political limitations, the room for action by state governments can only be conceived as a complement to the federal government actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article examines the possible loss of prominence of land occupations as a strategy of struggle within the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais sem Terra's (Landless Rural Workers' Movement or MST) repertoires of contention. I argue that this possible decline began during Cardoso's government and that the movement is in the process of institutionalizing other strategies of struggle, which have yet to prove as effective as land occupations. Some legal amendments during Cardoso's administration undermined the effectiveness and even the usefulness of land occupations. The MST has nevertheless updated its frames and its strategies of struggle, and reinforced its role as a national and global social movement. Findings in the present article are supported by several interviews collected during field research, academic and newspaper articles, and general sources about the matter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the experience of market-led agrarian reform (mlar) implementation in Brazil. In doing so, it will also analyse the complexity of the Brazilian agrarian situation, the political struggles around the fight for land and the complexity of political forces involved in the contestation. The article examines the origins, implementation process and outcomes of mlar. The paper also examines the current impasse in resolving the agrarian question in the country especially those related to the strengthening of land property rights at the same time that there are increasing demands for land by social movements, putting into broader context the current political and operational difficulties being encountered by mlar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Estudos de Sociologia is the property of Universidade Estadual Paulista and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mana (01049313) is the property of Contra Capa Livraria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the conditions of the possibility of land occupations. To occupy lands and in them to mount camps, made in the last twenty years, the form appropriated is to claim the land reform in Brazil. The Brazilian state has been checking legitimacy to the claim of the movements, while expropriating the occupied farms and redistributing the lands between what they find in the camps. This type of occupation constitutes new fact in Brazilian history. Occurred in the period prior to 1964, like those of Rio Grande do Sul and of the state of Rio de Janeiro, they did not have the same characteristics and amplitude of what they were generalized in the last twenty years, nor they had become the adequate form to demand land dispossession. There were other ways of doing it, especially the mobilization for the change in the Constitution. With the military blow of 1964, it became impossible to promote occupations. The lands so obtained were returned to its owners and militant ones of the organizations of rural workers became target of the police and military repression.

This article discusses the idea that the transformation of rights as forms of discourse into social practices is a political process more complex than empirical evidence suggests. Based on the case of the Landless Movement in Brazil, the article explores the idea that some apparent forms of rights embedded in conventional demands must be seen under the light of historical contexts and social characteristics of those social actors demanding them. In addition, the very idea of rights is sometimes only the superficial part of a deeper array of tensions and contradictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the attempt to create an ‘imagined community’ among members of the MST (Movimento Dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, Movement of Rural Landless Workers ) as a way of maintaining high levels of participation. As one of the most active rural movements in Brazilian history, MST owes much of its success to high levels of involvement among members who have already achieved their initial goal of access to land. Movement leaders and activists encourage participation by creating a community through ideas and practices and distilled into symbols, slogans and ritual. The lived experiences of community differ from the imaginings, however, and in this paper I show how MST members negotiate the movement's expression of community in ways that reflect historical experiences of economy and society. Ultimately, MST's imagined community is effective because the movement has established itself as a successful mediator between the settlers and the Brazilian State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the evolution of the demand for women's land rights in the Brazilian agrarian reform through the prism of the three main rural social movements: the landless movement, the rural unions and the autonomous rural women's movement. Most of the credit for raising the issue of women's land rights rests with women within the rural unions. That women's formal land rights were attained in the constitutional reform of 1988 was largely a by–product of the effort to end discrimination against women in all it dimensions. The achievement of formal equality in land rights, nonetheless, did not lead to increases in the share of female beneficiaries of the reform, which remained low in the mid–1990s. This was largely because securing women's land rights in practice was not a top priority of any of the rural social movements. Moreover, the main social movement determining the pace of the agrarian reform, the landless movement, considered class and gender issues to be incompatible. By the late 1990s, nonetheless, there was growing awareness that failure to recognize women's land rights was prejudicial to the development and consolidation of the agrarian reform settlements and thus the movement. The growing consensus among all the rural social movements of the importance of securing women's land rights, coupled with effective lobbying, encouraged the State in 2001 to adopt specific mechanisms for the inclusion of women in the agrarian reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interviews Joao Pedro Stedile, leader of the Landless Workers' Movement in Brazil. Approach and philosophy of the movement's leader; Guidelines of the MST; Remarks from Stedile on how the movement's proposals for land reform differ from the struggles of the movements that existed before 1964; Characteristics of the movement.

Presents information on a study which analyzed the Landless Workers' Movement's actions and perspectives on resistance to the neoliberal state in Brazil. Controversial concept of land reform; Importance of the class-struggle approach to the movement's resistance against neoliberalism; Conclusions.