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In German and many other Germanic languages, there is no fixed order of S and O as in an SVO language such as English. Rather, the topology of the declarative non-dependent sentence is canonically defined by the position of the finite and (where relevant) the non-finite parts of the verb. Together, they build up the sentence'brace', i.e., they define the front-field (before the finite verb), middle field (between finite and non-finite parts of the verb), and end-field (which often remains empty, but accommodates, for instance, post-positioned subordinate phrases). The front-field, also called topic position, may be filled by any constituent of the sentence, obligatory or non-obligatory. However, exactly one constituent (which, of course, may be of considerable complexity) can occupy this position.2 This restriction also applies to sentence adverbials and adverbial clauses, and to relative or complement clauses. Cf. the examples in Fig. 1. English, of course, allows more than one constituent before the finite verb, for instance a subject preceded by a disjunct or conjunct (Quirk & Greenbaum 1973:242ff; also cf. Allerton & Cruttenden 7974), or an adverbial clause. Cf. the translations of the German examples (a) and (c)

Noun phrase conjunction in Akan (Niger-Congo, Kwa) is performed by placing a connective between two noun phrases, but there is some variation in the forms used in the major dialects. In the Twi dialects the connective is ne, but Fante speakers may use nye or na depending on whether a comitative or a coordinative interpretation is intended. This paper focuses on the historical origins of the noun phrase connective n(y)e in Akan. It suggests that Akan patterns with other sub-saharan African languages such as Ewe, Ga, Yoruba and Hausa, which have noun phrase connectives originating from comitative verbs. This suggestion is based on the morpho-semantics of these connectives. In addition, the paper demonstrates that the origin of the connective n(y)e could be further traced to an equative copula in the language. This conclusion is based on syntactic and semantic evidence available in the language and strengthened by the cross-linguistic tendency for copula verbs to develop into noun phrase connectives in a number of unrelated languages.

Tariana, a North Arawak language from northwest Amazonia, has a complex system of serial verbs and a certain amount of verb compounding. Serial verbs in Tariana provide important evidence in favour of the existence of cross-linguistically valid defining properties of serial verbs. Verb serialisation and verb compounding are independent grammatical processes, each with a grammaticalisation path of its own, and with distinct functions. Their coexistence in one language is consistent with the principle of iconic motivation: the closer the elements are in surface structure, the more they are grammaticalised or lexicalised.

Recent research has pointed out that certain grammaticalization phenomena originate in substandard varieties and/or colloquial speech styles. However, the potential of insights to be gained from relating grammaticalization and sociolinguistics still remains largely unexplored. The present paper is an attempt at such an approach, discussing grammaticalization processes in contemporary German youth language (Jugendsprache). On a word formation level, the paper deals with nominal and verbal formatives, denominal conversions, and the use of verb stems as lexical morphemes. Syntactic phenomena include the development of the non-inflected negative null and a new intensifier word order pattern. After highlighting the relevant grammaticalization mechanisms for each of these patterns, the paper discusses the relation between slang creation and grammaticalization, emphasizing the role of expressivity as a discourse-pragmatic motivation for linguistic innovations. Finally, the paper draws attention to connections between youth specific language varieties and language change, and tries to account for the fact that some grammaticalization processes in substandard varieties never reach their potential end point.

The purpose of the article is to examine the Hebrew (im)politeness marker bevakasha ‘please’ (the prefixed preposition bϵ ‘in’ + the noun bakasha ‘request’) in order to account for its present-day polysemy. The analysis of bevakasha, a hitherto neglected marker by both synchronic and diachronic investigations, is based in this article on corpora documenting the various stages of the Hebrew language. The findings illustrate a change in the contexts in which the marker has been used throughout history, i.e. from religious texts and letters of authoritative ruling to secular, casual contexts, from authoritative to egalitarian relationships, from first person to second- and third-person's benefits and further to argumentative contexts. The article concludes that the change in contexts has led to pragmatic expansion and a reanalysis of the marker which gave rise to the meaning of (im)politeness and to a shift in the power balance between the speaker and the addressee. Furthermore, the study suggests that the grammaticalization path of bevakasha has been motivated by a changing orientation towards the various components of the speech act, i.e. speaker, hearer and discourse.

The Scanian dialect of Middle Danish underwent a range of changes and reductions in its case system. I argue that these changes were caused neither by phonological developments nor by language contact as often assumed, but by multiple processes of grammaticalisation. The present paper focuses on one of these factors: that the relatively predictable constituent order within the Middle Danish noun phrase made case marking redundant in its function of marking noun-phrase internal agreement between head and modifier(s). This redundancy caused the case system to undergo a regrammation where the indexical sign relations changed so that the expression of morphological case no longer indicated this noun-phrase-internal agreement, leaving only topology (as well as morphologically marked number and gender agreement) as markers of this type of agreement. This factor contributed to the subsequent degrammation of the entire case system.

This paper studies the behavior of harto as a quantifier in Chilean Spanish, where this lexical item can be used as a determiner and as a degree quantifier. Both uses will be described and it will be proposed that, in Chilean Spanish, harto is an imprecise quantifier associated to the high degree on the scale, in a parallel fashion to mucho, but it is not an excess quantifier, unlike demasiado. In addition, it will be shown that in the case of harto, the grammaticalization from adjective to quantifier took place in Old Spanish, where the quantifier harto displayed the same properties as harto in Chilean Spanish.

Apresentamos neste artigo (i) um panorama das abordagens e dos estudos no GT de Sociolinguística da ANPOLL em interfaces entre a Teoria da Variação e Mudança e o Gerativismo e entre a Teoria da Variação e Mudança e o Funcionalismo (especialmente o de vertente norte-americana), bem como (ii) algumas dessas articulações para o ensino de português. No que diz respeito a questões teórico-metodológicas da interface com o gerativismo, mostramos que os estudos apresentam duas fases que não se sobrepõem, mas definem questões de pesquisa e abordagem da variação e mudança sob diferentes perspectivas analíticas: a Sociolinguística Paramétrica e a Competição de Gramáticas. Sobre a interface com o funcionalismo, mostramos que o tratamento teórico-metodológico teve sua fase inicial centrada em condicionadores funcionais de fenômenos variáveis, expandindo-se para uma fase de articulação entre Gramaticalização e Variação em diferentes níveis da gramática. Buscamos mostrar que os estudos em interface não só têm propiciado discussões sobre questões teórico-metodológicas no estudo da variação e mudança linguística, mas também têm trazido a público resultados de estudos sobre fenômenos morfossintáticos, sintáticos e discursivos do português que têm ganhado terreno nas discussões sobre ensino de língua.

This paper investigates category changes among imperative particles in Ancient Greek. Using diachronic evidence from the category change of the imperative ἀμέλει (amélei ‘don’t worry’ > ‘of course’) and similar imperative particles, ἄγε (áge), ἴθι (íthi), φέρε (fére), εἰπέ μοι (eipé moi) and ἰδού (idoú), this paper investigates the diachronic interdependence of intersubjectification, grammaticalization and language change in general. It does this in four ways. First, I show that intersubjectification can take place without subjectification (pace Traugott 2003: 134). Second, I detail the intersubjectification of ἀμέλει with changes in the cognitive domain (no practical > no epistemic worries), the pragmatic domain (responsively resolving > independently assuming resolved worries) and contextual conditions (creating intersubjective alignment > assuming it). Third, I tease apart the various diachronic origins of changes which have affected ἀμέλει. Finally, using contrastive evidence from parallel category changes of Ancient Greek imperative particles, I argue that whereas the imperative particles can be variously affected by structural grammaticalization changes, they all display signs of context change (as shown by illocutionary extensions to occurrence with declarative and interrogative illocutions). Thus, the diverse threads of category change can be woven together by tracing the contexts of change as well as the diachronic processes shaping them.

This paper proposes that modal constructions can develop into conditional constructions in Mandarin Chinese and vice versa. Therefore, bidirectionality exists between these kinds of constructions diachronically. While bidirectionality is an apparent violation of unidirectionality, both directions of change are shown to be regular cases of procedural constructionalization, enabled by the fact that modal and conditional constructions can perform identical indirect speech acts (i.e., they are performatively equivalent) and instances of one may be morphosyntactically categorized as the other in Chinese (i.e., they are morphosyntactically vague). A crosslinguistically generalizable prediction is then proposed: bidirectionality is possible if instances of two constructions are performatively equivalent and morphosyntactically vague with respect to each other in certain contexts.

This paper discusses the grammaticalization process that generated the concessive periphrasis apesar de (que) in the history of Portuguese. Based on the founding nature of cognitive and pragmatic mechanisms, on the impact of contexts of use, and on a prototype of a concessive marker, our goal is to answer the following questions: which features of the noun pesar, combined with specific contexts, do help us explain the predisposition to this change? In which way do the concessive relations conveyed by apesar de (que) reflect facts of its constitution journey? Which relations may be apprehended with the gradual implementation of semantic change, and the structural composition as a complex junctive word? The research is carried out regarding the diachronic methodology ruled by polysemic patterns of pesar, with its respective distributive properties. The results provide a detailed chronological map of possible stages of change, in which the weight of the source word pesar, as a shell noun, is highlighted for syntactic and semantic generalizations and also for the action of the inferential processes that allowed concessive relations of cause denied and restrictive.

Within Chinese conversation analytic studies, the phenomenon of turn-initial linguistic forms in turn-final positions has also been observed under a conversational phenomenon known as increments, or turn-continuations. A significant finding in Chinese turn-continuations, as opposed to English, is that many turn-initial forms can be appended to the end of a turn as a turn-continuation in a syntactically discontinuous manner. In fact, most Chinese turn-continuations turns out to be adverbials and modifiers of various sorts that under ‘normative syntax’ in Chinese would usually be placed before (or to the left of) the clause. By focusing on instances of turn-final time adverbial xianzai ‘now’, which is prolifically produced as either turn-continuations or as an integral part of a fixed construction, this study argues how the interactional practice of appending turn-continuations may constitute a grammaticalization pathway for various sorts of Chinese "right-dislocated" constructions. Hence, using an interactional perspective, a discourse-functional explanation is provided for how turn-initial linguistic forms can come to be in turn-final position for Mandarin Chinese, and possibly for other typologically similar languages.

This paper reassesses the rise of ergative alignment in Anatolian and Indo-Aryan, two branches of the Indo-European linguistic family. Both of these branches acquire split-ergative morphosyntax in the course of their history but via different grammaticalization paths and with different results. In the Anatolian language Hittite, a denominative derivational suffix develops into an ergative case marker, which is restricted to so-called neuter nouns. In Indo-Aryan, on the other hand, a new ergative category with anterior aspectual semantics emerges in Middle Indo-Aryan originating from a P-oriented resultative construction in Old Indo-Aryan.

This research investigates the functions of the verb ‘to say’ in the Jordanian Arabic dialect of Irbid (JADI). Relying on a 250,000-word corpus, we propose that the speech verb ‘to say’ in JADI has one main lexical function (i.e. introducing direct or indirect speech) in addition to three functions which the verb develops, i.e. expressing the speaker’s mental state, signalling indirect evidentiality, and revealing the speaker’s incredulity towards the accompanying utterance. We show that in these three developed functions, the verb lost one or more of its lexical properties, because of an (initial or advanced) grammaticalization process whose effects are clearly manifested by the function of the verb as an incredulity marker, in which case the verb is semantically bleached, phonologically reduced, and de-categorized. Following Traugott (1989), Wang et al. (2003) and Hsieh (2012), among others, we propose that the grammaticalization path of the speech verb in JADI into these three functions are motivated by pragmatic inference and (inter)subjectification. The directionality of the grammaticalization process is also shown to be implemented from propositional (through textual) to expressive functions.

Summary The earliest stages of pidgin formation show a preference for analytic and morphologically reduced grammatical constructions relative to their lexifier or substrate languages, where the apparent morphological marking, if found, seems to be fossilized. Structural relations, therefore, are mostly expressed externally. Tense/aspect categories are marked through temporal adverbials or inferred from the context. Creole languages, however, are said to develop such categories through grammaticalization. This study examines tense/aspect marking in five Arabic-based pidgins: Juba Arabic, Turku Pidgin, Pidgin Madame, Romanian Pidgin Arabic, and Gulf Pidgin Arabic. Using Siegel’s (2008) scale of morphological simplicity, from lexicality to grammaticality, this study concludes that tense/aspect marking is expressed lexically through temporal adverbials or inferred from the context in the earliest stages of Arabic-based pidgins, which only later—in stabilized pidgins—develops into grammaticalized markers when certain criteria are met.

This article examines multi-verb directional motion constructions in Surinamese Javanese, a heritage language undergoing structural influence from Dutch and Sranantongo. These are constructions which express ‘direction away’ by means of a V2 lunga ‘go away’. They are more frequent – and used with more different V1s – than in Indonesian Javanese, the baseline. The frequency change is a pattern change, a result of cross-linguistic transfer from Sranantongo, in which multi-verb constructions to express ‘direction away’ are very frequent. The extension of the usage contexts to more V1s is a form of semantic extension, and it is the first stage of contact-induced grammaticalization. This is caused by entrenchment of the schema motion verb + away, which exists in both Dutch and Sranantongo. The meaning of the constructions is also changing: whereas in Indonesian Javanese the directional element never refers to the causee alone, it frequently does in Surinamese Javanese. Finally, some preliminary observations are made with respect to the possible development of a parallel construction expressing ‘direction towards’ with V2 teka ‘come’, modeled on the Sranantongo multi-verb constructions with V2 kon ‘come’.

Estudos demonstram que os empréstimos linguísticos também ocorrem em classes gramaticais, como a das conjunções, conforme Muysken (1981) e Matras (2009), embora sejam mais comuns em classes lexicais. Por isso, este artigo discute a acessibilidade de conjunções a se manifestarem como empréstimos. Para tanto, faz-se uma análise dos empréstimos de conjunções do Português Brasileiro (PB) que são utilizadas em Nheengatu (NG). A partir da comparação entre dados, foram identificados empréstimos como o da adversativa “mas” (em Nheengatu, “ma”) e do advérbio de tempo dêitico “agora”, que adquiriu, em um processo de gramaticalização, também a função de conjunção de ressalva, a qual foi transportada para o NG. Pôde-se confirmar a abertura das línguas para empréstimos de conjunções e que termos de funções ambíguas no PB são transportados com função mais delimitada para o NG.

The current study aims at exploring the grammaticalization of the nouns ʃikil 'shape' and omir 'age' in Jordanian Arabic. The data were collected from Jordanian T.V. series and interviews with native speakers of Jordanian Arabic. The sample of the study consisted of 300 tokens of ʃikil and 200 tokens of omir. The researcher collected the data, then he analysed the functions of these two words. The study found out that ʃikil was used 100 times as a noun meaning 'shape', and 200 times as an evidential particle. Besides, omir was also used as a noun 60 times and 140 times as a negative polarity item. The findings of the study showed that ʃikil has one lexical meaning 'shape', and it evolved by the process of grammaticalization into an evidential particle. ʃikil underwent the process of semantic bleaching, since it lost its content meaning and developed to serve a grammatical function of evidentially. Bedsides, it was decategorized as it lost the grammatical features of nouns, i.e. it cannot be pluralized and cannot accept definite articles. Also ʃikil lost its stress as part of phonetic reduction. Similarly, omir has one lexical meaning 'age' and developed into a negative polarity item. Omir was affected by the process of semantic bleaching and decategorization as it was developed from its original meaning as a noun meaning 'age' into a negative polarity item. Additionally, omir underwent the process of phonetic reduction as it lost stress. The study found out that ʃikil and omir underwent three stages of grammaticalization: semantic bleaching, decategorization, and phonetic reduction.

This article analyses the use of the indefinite marker jeden ?one? in contemporary Kashubian, which has often been treated simply as an indefinite article in previous studies. A synchronic description has been presented in the first part of this paper, comparing the use of the indefinite marker in Kashubian with that in Polish, Upper Sorbian and German. The second part deals with the diachronic change in Kashubian in this respect. The main conclusion of this paper is that Kashubian has never developed the indefinite article per se, while its usage was far more frequent in the past, which could be explained by the emergence of the German influence.

The Amharic word qəl ‘gourd’ represents a rare case where a plant term serves as the source of a grammaticalization chain. The development occurred in two stages, first metaphoric change, then grammaticalization proper: gourd > skull/head > Intensive (never Plain) Reflexive (‘he himself, etc.’). This process was entangled with the grammatical evolution of two other words, ras and gəll. Ras, which is the basic unmarked term for ‘head’, as such underwent the basic unmarked grammaticalization into a Plain Reflexive (and only secondarily into an Intensive Reflexive). The other word, gəll ‘separate, individual’, phonetically quite similar to qəl but with no etymological connection to ‘head’, grammaticalized directly to the meaning ‘one’s own, by oneself’, thence secondarily to an Intensive Reflexive (but never a Plain Reflexive). Thus two near-synonyms (qəl, ras ‘head’) underwent two parallel grammaticalizations, but yielding different results: qəl, unlike ras, was never a Plain Reflexive. Why? The distinctive semantic evolution of qəl, I suggest, was partly driven by its phonetic similarity to the historically unrelated gəll, which also was never a Plain Reflexive. The phonetic similarity helped to foster a semantic attraction between the two grammaticalizing morphemes.

Well has a long history and is found as an intensifier already in older English. It is argued that diachronically well has developed from its etymological meaning (‘in a good way’) on a cline of adverbialization to an intensifier and to a discourse marker. Well is replaced by other intensifiers in the fourteenth century but emerges in new uses in Present-Day English. The changes in frequency and use of the new intensifier are explored on the basis of a twenty-year time gap between the old British National Corpus (1994) and the new Spoken British National Corpus (2014). The results show that well increases in frequency over time and that it spreads to new semantic types of adjectives and participles, and is found above all in predicative structures with a copula. The emergence of a new well and its increase in frequency are also related to social factors such as the age, gender, and social class of the speakers, and the informal character of the conversation.

The emergence of the German double present and past perfect (hat vergessen gehabt ‘has forgotten had’; ist gefahren gewesen ‘is gone been’ – hatte vergessen gehabt ‘had forgotten had’; war gefahren gewesen ‘was gone been’) is still widely debated. Some scholars consider the development of these constructions a result of the decline of the Präteritum, whereas others claim that these were formed as a consequence of the loss of the aspectual system and the reconstruction process of the verbal categories. In this article, the author argues that the development of these constructions is the result of the grammaticalization of the Perfekt as a ‘commentary tense’ in the 14th Century. The increased frequency of the present perfect prompted the reanalysis of the past participles of haben (gehabt) and sein (gewesen), which began to appear alongside the present perfect, creating new periphrastic constructions, including the double present and past perfects.

This article discusses the development of the contrastive-partitive function of the possessive =ešin colloquial Persian. Examples of colloquial Persian show that the third person singular clitic pronoun =ešin some adnominal possessive constructions does not refer to any obvious referent present either in the syntactic structure (co-text) or in the situational context. Instead, the function of =eš, namely contrastive-partitive, is to mark the host as a part and contrast it with other parts of the similar set. The same function is attested in a few languages of Uralic and Turkic group. We believe that the same development has been occurred in possessive =ešin Persian. To describe the process of the development of the contrastive-partitive function, authentic colloquial examples from Internet blogs and formal examples from a historical corpus of New Persian are investigated. It is argued that this non-possessive function of =ešhas originated from the whole-part relation in cross-referencing possessives, where both the lexical and clitical possessor =ešare present. The presence of the lexical possessor facilitates the loss of referentiality in =ešand it is developed to denote partitivity. Furthermore, the pragmatic motivation of communicating contrast makes =ešto be further grammaticalized into denoting contrastive-partitive function.

This article discusses the grammaticalization of the habitual auxiliaries εἴωθα, φιλέω, ἐθέλω and νομίζω in Archaic and Classical Greek. I aim to (1) provide a more complete understanding of the Ancient Greek expressions of habituality; (2) distinguish clearly between habitual aspect and (possibly diachronically) related semantic categories such as iterativity and genericity; (3) demonstrate the usefulness of grammaticalization and collocation criteria to measure the relative degree of grammaticalization of the habitual auxiliaries. I argue that their degree of grammaticalization can be measured by whether they have developed past uses, undergone a diachronic collocation shift to inanimate subjects and, subsequently, stative infinitives, and whether they have acquired an anti-present implicature. Finally, I suggest that habitual ἐθέλω occurred already in Archaic Greek and was the source for the futurity use that it developed in Classical Greek.

This paper applies a quantitative model developed for measuring grammatical status, using data from the Lancaster Corpus of Mandarin Chinese (lcmc). The model takes into account four quantitative factors (token frequency, collocate diversity, colligate diversity and deviation of proportions) and uses them as predictors in a binary logistic regression in order to compute a score of grammatical status between ‘0’ (lexical/non-grammatical) and ‘1’ (highly grammatical) for each given element. The results of the lcmc model are then compared to those of a similar study of the British National Corpus (bnc). The comparison suggests that token frequency emerges as one of the most relevant parameters for quantifying degrees of grammatical status in both language models, together with the collocate diversity measure when using a broad window span. On the other hand, the colligational measures (left- or right-based) and the other collocate diversity measures using small spans (left- or right-based) contribute very differently to the two languages due to their typologically distinctive structures.

This paper suggests that xiē ‘some’ in Mandarin Chinese originated as a quantifier but became a classifier in the yi ‘one’ construction via realignment, or change in inheritance in diachronic construction grammar. This change has created yi xiē, semantically equivalent to xiē, therefore it is also a case of reinforcement in the sense of Jespersen’s Cycle. However, this study argues that yi xiē has not necessarily undergone grammaticalisation. Generalising the analysis, two types of reinforcement are proposed: reinforcement by innovation and by realignment. The former involves grammaticalisation, but the latter may not. The study highlights the importance of higher-level generalisations in language change.

Demonstratives provide an important link between gesture, discourse and grammar due to their communicative function to coordinate the interlocutor’s focus of attention. This underlies their frequent cross-linguistic development into a wide range of function words and morphemes (Diessel 1999). The present study provides evidence for a link between gesture and grammar by tracking diachronic development of a relative clause marker in Israeli Sign Language (ISL) restrictive relative clauses, which starts as a gestural locative pointing sign, and grammaticalizes into a relative pronoun connecting relative and main clauses and agreeing with referent loci, and then into an invariant relativizer. Diachronic changes are inferred from the data collected from three generations of signers. The results reveal that the behavior of demonstratives in the data varied with the signers’ ages according to four diagnostic criteria of grammaticalization (e.g., Hopper & Traugott 2003): increased systematicity, distributional and morphological changes, and phonetic reduction.

The use of the adverb already in Colloquial Singapore English has long been known as one of the most readily recognizable features defining the contact dialect, marking aspectual nuances such as anterior, completive, inchoative and inceptive functions, as noted by Bao (2005, 2015). Recent observations note that the uses of already as an inchoative marker (distinguishing the adverb as an iamitive) are more frequently found than completive uses across a small, synchronic sample of speakers (Teo 2019). It is perhaps less often recognized, though, that the aspectual use of already co-exists with the variable marking for past tense in Singlish (Ho & Platt 1993), and that both the aspectual adverb and the past tense may be seen to co-occur in the same construction. The frequency of already in its various functions is examined across two corpora, and the relative frequency of completive vs. non-completive functions is quantified diachronically. It is hypothesized that, rather than grammaticalizing onwards to become a past tense marker, as is predictable for some Portuguese creole iamitives (ya ‘already’) (Clements 2006), already is becoming increasingly restricted in its functional range in today’s Singlish, and that its perfect and completive functions may be at a stage of selective renovation by the use of the past tense in Standard Singapore English.

Acknowledgements Notes on Contributors Introduction: Embodied Lexicon and the 'Head' Iwona Kraska-Szlenk Part 1 Comparative Studies 1 'Head(s)' in Portuguese: the Metaphor in European and Brazilian Portuguese Aleksandra Wilkos and Mateus Cruz Maciel de Carvalho 2 On the Lexeme 'Head' in Zamucoan Luca Ciucci 3 What the Grammaticalization of 'Head' Reveals about the Semantic Structure of a Language? Zygmunt Frajzyngier 4 'Head' in Some Non-Bantu Languages of the Oriental Province of DR Congo Helma Pasch 5 "Head" as a Link of Embodiment in Chinese Yongxian Luo 6 From Head to Toe: How Languages Extend the Head to Name Body Parts Kelsie Pattillo 7 Metonymic Extensions of the Body Part 'Head' in Mental and Social Domains Iwona Kraska-Szlenk Part 2 Case Studies 8 The Conceptualization of HEAD among the Hausa Based on Verbal and Nonverbal Representation Izabela Will 9 Semantics of Amharic ras 'Head' Abinet Sime 10 'Head' Idioms in Turkish: Contrasts and Correlations Filiz Mutlu, Aysel Kapan, Ali Yagiz Sen, Hilal Yildirim-Gundogdu and Asli Goeksel 11 'He Cracked His Head Feverishly': Conceptualizations of HEAD and THINKING in Hungarian Judit Baranyine Koczy 12 Semantic Extensions of tatini 'Her Head' and tati 'His Head' in Deni (Arawa) Mateus Cruz Maciel de Carvalho 13 Wulaya 'Head' in Yanyuwa Alice Gaby and John Bradley Index

Este artigo examina o padrão frasal [trem + adjetivo], em 1000 ocorrências de amostras do Twitter, objetivando averiguar, sob a ótica da Gramática de Construções e do Modelo de Língua Baseado no Uso e da Gramaticalização, se este padrão se trata de uma construção do português brasileiro, aplicável não só a objetos, mas também a pessoas. Foram encontradas evidências de que, no uso informal, o padrão frasal [trem + adjetivo] faz referência a pessoas em contextos em que não há depreciação do referente, como costuma ocorrer com o nome trem isoladamente, o que atesta a hipótese de que se trata de uma construção do português brasileiro. This paper examines the phrasal pattern [TREM + adjective], in 1000 occurrences of Twitter samples, aiming to ascertain - from the perspective of the Construction Grammar and the Language Based Model of Use and Grammaticalization - if this pattern is a construction of Brazilian Portuguese, applicable not only to objects, but also to people. Evidence was found that, in informal usage, the phrasal pattern [TREM + adjective] refers to people in contexts where there is no depreciation of the referent, as usually occurs with the name train alone, which attests to the hypothesis that it is of a Brazilian Portuguese construction.

This paper is an attempt to reanalyze the established order within the category of parts of speech, in particular prepositions and adverbs, as the units from these categories are characterized by the highest level of functional transposition in the language. We argue that overlapping of the categories was caused by the inclination of the Old English grammarians to take over main grammatical rules and exceptions, class division, definitions etc. from the Latin language. At the same time, grammatical phenomena existing in Old English were ignored or fitted to the already adopted Latin definitions and rules. That led to confusions, misunderstandings and overlapping in the grammatical system of Old English. The paper addresses the processes of lexicalization and grammaticalization which, according to our hypothesis, are observed within the category of prepositions in Old English and predetermined subsequent functional transposition. The analysis explains the phenomenon of functional transposition of the units which are simultaneously ascribed to several categories, e.g. prepositions, adverbs, particles etc. The class of space and time prepositions has undergone lexical and grammatical transformations which were consequently institutionalized in the language and the units became subjects to functional-semantic and functional-grammatical transposition the results of which are observed in present-day English. The former process resulted in transposition of the meaning, sometimes metaphorical, and further functioning of these units as adverbs, particles etc.; whereas the latter led to purely grammatical usage of the units, for instance substitution of the category of cases in English, uprise of new grammatical prefixes, loss of rigidness in word order.

This paper documents the steps and analyses the processes by which a concrete change of location unaccusative construction based on a venitive verb grammaticalizes in Romanian as a modal construction exhibiting a variety of desiderative meanings, the most prominent of which is the urge-type of desiderative meaning. This diachronic change is atypical: the venitive verb underwent desemanticization but does not show any detectable morphophonological erosion or decategorialization. Furthermore, the desiderative meaning arises only when the venitive verb is accompanied by a dative clitic (originally, a goal of motion) and a subjunctive CP.

In this paper, we provide new evidence for the hypothesis that in some languages, differential object marking (DOM) may have evolved from marking of the information structural category of topicality. While Iemmolo (2010) suggested that topic left-dislocation might have facilitated the evolution of DOM, and Dalrymple and Nikolaeva (2011) argued for systematic marking of secondary topics as the source of DOM, we suggest a third possible grammaticalization source within the topical domain: the prepositional marking ofembedded topics. In particular, we show that the Romanian DO (Direct Object) markerpehad a function as marker of embedded topics in Old Romanian. Moreover, we show how DOM in Old Romanian may additionally have been facilitated by the re-analysis of embedded topics asthemes in certain constructions.

Reciprocity in contemporary English is normally expressed by means of the compound pronouns each other and one another, both constructions used interchangeably and without any apparent difference in meaning, even though various factors have been proposed to account for the choice between the two alternatives. Among them, style stands out as the most convincing argument postulating the use of each other and one another in informal and formal contexts, register variation, each other being by far the most common form in all contexts while one another becomes relatively common in fiction and academic prose (Biber et al., 1999: 346-347). From a historical viewpoint, each other stems from those Old English constructions in which the quantifier aelc occurs with the alterity word o¯þer in neighbouring positions, while one another is a Late Middle English development of (the) one + (the) (an)other, where the first element is also the grammatical subject and the second the object (Haas, 2010: 63-68). Since then, both reciprocals have competed for more than five centuries for the expression of reciprocity in English and, interestingly enough, the dilemma is still unresolved, contradicting the general assumption that the competition between forms whose meaning is compatible is usually resolved either by the loss of one of them or by the adoption of a different (Kahlas-Tarkka, 2004: 132). The Early Modern English period becomes a crucial period in the history of reciprocals witnessing the transition from the discontinuous forms each the other and one the other to the fossilized constructions each other and one another. In the light of this, the present paper pursues the following objectives: a) to trace the origin, grammaticalization and univerbation of each other and one another within their own paradigm in Early Modern English, and b) to analyse the use and distribution of these reciprocals to determine the date and the circumstances that contributed to the adoption of each other over one another for the expression of reciprocity in the history of English. The source of evidence comes from the Early English Books Online Corpus (for the period 1473-1700) and the Old Bailey Corpus (for the period 1674-1913).

This paper provides a classification of modal verbs of possibility and necessity in Late Archaic and Early Middle Chinese based on an analysis of their scopal features with respect to negation. It shows that circumstantial readings and deontic readings are interpreted in two different syntactic positions which can be determined by the scope of negation following the cartographic approach proposed in Tsai (2008, 2015) and the proposal of Cormack and Smith (2002) of a Polarity Head, which constitutes a syntactic divide of the domain of necessity modals from the domain of circumstantial modals. Our analysis of the scope of negation demonstrates that the deontic interpretation of possibility modals requires their upward movement from the lexical to the functional domain as part of the grammaticalization process from pre-modal lexical verbs to modal auxiliaries of different functions in Modern Mandarin. In Early Middle Chinese, negated modal verbs of possibility start to replace the synthetic modal negators of Archaic Chinese as part of the general process of analyticization of Chinese. We also show that the only true necessity modals in Late Archaic Chinese belong to the category of circumstantial modals due to their scopal features when they are negated.

This article deals with the transitive construction involving habban and the past participle in Old English, and focuses on the loss of the adjectival segment of the participial inflection. The analysis is based on data retrieved from the York–Toronto–Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose. Inflectional morphology and constituent order, including the relative and the absolute position of the past participle, are considered. The data indicate that the reanalysis the habban+past participle construction is nearly over by the end of the period.

This report presents a case study on a current grammatical change in a rhetorical question 不是…吗 (isn’t it the case…?) and its spreading from spoken Beijing Mandarin to Mandarin Chinese in general. The study addresses three interrelated issues that concern the development and spreading of this new pattern: (1) usage-based language variation and change in spoken Beijing Mandarin; (2) Socio-cultural factors that may have promoted the adaptation of the new pattern in Mandarin Chinese; and (3) the impact of media, which may enhance the rapid spreading of the pattern in China. The report offers another instance of usage as the main driving force leading to language variation and grammaticalization.

Resumo: na fala, percebe-se que o item estar manifesta-se tanto em suas formas fonologicamente plenas ( esta , estou , estava etc.) quanto em suas formas fonologicamente reduzidas ( ta , to , tava etc.). Sob um vies Sociofuncionalista, que conjuga o aporte teorico-metodologico da Sociolinguistica Variacionista aos principios do Funcionalismo Linguistico, o presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar a reducao fonetica do referido item. Fazendo uma interface entre variacao e gramaticalizacao, considerou-se cada um dos dominios funcionais que o estar recobre ( verbo principal , verbo de ligacao , verbo auxiliar , expressao cristalizada e marcador discursivo ) como um fator de uma variavel independente e foi verificado como o seu comportamento em cada funcao elencada influencia o fenomeno variavel em tela. Os resultados apontam que a reducao fonetica do item estar aumenta gradativamente ate chegar aos 100% de apagamento da silaba inicial a medida que transita de um dominio mais concreto a um mais abstrato. Alem disso, tambem e notavel que a funcao fonte ( verbo principal ) e a menos gramaticalizada ( verbo de ligacao ), em termos de pesos relativos, desfavorecem o processo de reducao enquanto as formas mais gramaticalizadas ( verbo auxiliar e expressao cristalizada ) o favorecem. O percentual global de uso das formas reduzidas e da ordem de 96,8% – mudanca quase completada nos dados analisados, que sao da variedade do portugues brasileiro falada em Vitoria, capital do Espirito Santo. Mesmo assim, ainda e possivel tracar o percurso da gramaticalizacao por que passou este fenomeno, fato que fortalece a abordagem sociofuncionalista de fenomenos de variaveis. Palavras-chave: sociolinguistica variacionista; funcionalismo linguistico; sociofuncionalismo; gramaticalizacao; reducao fonetica; item estar ; mudanca. Abstract: in the speech, it can be seen that the item estar ‘be’ manifests itself both in its phonologically full forms and in its phonologically reduced forms. Under a Sociofunctionalist paradigm, which combines the theoretical-methodological support of Variationist Sociolinguistics with the principles of Linguistic Functionalism, this article aims to analyze the phonetic reduction of this item. Making an interface between variation and grammaticalization, we considered each of the functional domains that the item estar ‘be’ covered ( main verb , linking verb , auxiliary verb , crystallized expression and discursive marker ) as a factor of an independent variable and was verified as its behavior in each listed function influences the variable phenomenon on screen. The results indicate that the phonetic reduction of the item being increases gradually until reaching 100% of erasure of the initial syllable as it moves from a more concrete domain to a more abstract one. In addition, it is also noteworthy that the source (main verb) and least grammatical (binding verb) function, in terms of relative weights, detracts from the reduction process while the more grammaticalised forms (auxiliary verb and crystallized expression) favor it. The overall percentage use of the reduced forms is 96.8% - almost complete change in the analyzed data, which are of the variety of Brazilian Portuguese spoken in Vitoria, capital of Espirito Santo. Even so, it is still possible to trace the path of grammaticalization that this phenomenon went through, a fact that strengthens the socio-functionalist approach to variable phenomena. Keywords: sociolinguistics variationist; functionalism; sociofunctionalism; grammaticalization; phonetic reduction; item estar ‘be’; change.

Sonaliik on traditsiooniliselt keele kirjelduse osa, mis holmab sona morfoloogilist ja suntaktilist kaitumist, aga ka tahendust ning pragmaatilist funktsiooni. Vaatamata sellele, et sonaliigid on tinglike piiridega ning keeleteaduslikult kaugel uhtsest voi selgest nahtusest, on see kategooriana leksikograafias vajalik kui kompaktne viis andmaks ulevaadet sona kaitumisest kasutuses. Ka e-leksikograafias valtimatud automaatsed protseduurid nagu morfoloogiline ja suntaktiline margendamine ning tahenduste uhestamine eeldavad kas konkreetselt voi vaikimisi leksikaalsete uksuste eristamist. Kaesolevas artiklis anname sissevaate sonaliikide rolli leksikograafi toos. Vahendame tulemusi aastal 2019 tehtud uuringust, mille eesmark oli valja selgitada eesti keelt kirjeldavate leksikograafide probleeme ning vajadusi seoses sonaliikidega, aga ka ootusi keeletehnoloogilistele lahendustele sonaliigi maaramise holbustamiseks. *** On word classes in contemporary lexicography: The lexicographers’ view This study examines the role of word classes in the contemporary lexicographic work. The analysis is based on a metalexicographic semi-structured interview carried out among 23 Estonian lexicographers. We focus on three main research questions: i) How necessary are word classes in lexicopraphers’ work? ii) What kinds of problems they do experience related to the word classes? iii) How do lexicographers solve these problems and how could digital tools facilitate the word class judgement processes? The results indicate that in lexicography, word classes provide an (implicit or explicit) frame for organisation of data, even if word-class tagging does not directly belong among the tasks of the lexicographer. The word class determination process in unclear cases is a complicated one. In addition to the usage of a word and the expected needs of the user, the lexicographer must consider the structural requirements of the particular dictionary (s)he is working with. Along with the development of digital resources, the demands of the data model behind the electronic database have to be considered; not to mention the theoretical linguistic insights. Linguistically, the most problematic issues appear in the grammaticalisation and lexicalisation processes related to inflectional suffixes (mainly adverbs and adpositions) or conversional transposition (adjectives). The typical word-class altering devices in Estonian such as suffixal derivation (see, e.g. Vare 2006: 199) do not emerge as particularly problematic. The interviewed lexicographers would welcome a digital application that would facilitate and quickened the word class determination process. The application would have an improved morphological tagger compared to the present tools and it would be more efficient in extracting statistical information from corpora. Lexicographers wish to acquire information about the prevailing word-class function together with the data this assessment is based on. Yet, the lexicographer makes the final decision.

Neveroriginated as a temporal adverb expressing universal quantification over time (‘Type 1’, e.g.he’s never been to Paris). As Lucas & Willis (2012) report, it has developed non-quantificational meanings equivalent todidn’t, starting with the ‘Type 2’ use which depicts an event that could have occurred in a specific ‘window of opportunity’ (e.g.she waited but he never arrived). Subsequently, a non-standard ‘Type 3’ use developed, wherenevercan be used with other predicates (e.g.I never won that competition yesterday). To what extent does variation in the use ofneverin present-day English reflect the proposed historical development of the form? This study addresses this question by integrating syntactic theory into a quantitative variationist approach, analysingnevervs.didn’tin Type 2 and Type 3 contexts using speech corpora from three Northern British communities. The results show how syntactic–semantic constraints onneverin Type 2 contexts persist in its newer, Type 3 uses, e.g. it is used at higher rates in achievement predicates. While Type 2 contexts are associated with the expression of counter-expectation,neverhas become pragmatically strengthened in its Type 3 use, where it is often used to contradict a previously-expressed proposition.

This article investigates some functions of the determinativesum(e)in Old, Middle and Early Modern English. It traces, quantifies and models the diachronic development ofsum(e)as a pre-head element from a usage-based, cognitive Construction Grammar perspective by postulating several semi-specified but also abstract constructional OE and ME NP-schemas and sketching the observable (changing) network (re)configurations. By analyzing texts from thePenn–Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Middle English(PPCME) and thePenn–Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Early Modern English(PPCEME), the article especially focuses on the demise of the so-called ‘individualizing’ usage with singular nouns and traces the incipient stages ofsum(e)as an indefinite near-article with plural and mass nouns. R was used to calculate correlation coefficients and measures of statistical significance in univariate analyses, and for multivariate regression models to address questions involving more than one predictor variable. It is shown that the usage ofsum(e)with singular nouns became marginalized because of constructional competition with the numeralān. In Old English, the two forms were both occasionally used to mark indefiniteness before singular nouns, but ultimatelyānbecame the default marker of indefiniteness oustingsum(e). We also show that that the usage ofsum(e)as an indefiniteness marker for plural nouns increased drastically from the later ME period onwards, particularly in informal text genres. Moreover, from the earliest periods onwards, there is a strong preference for this function to occur with complex NPs with pre- and post-head modification, which seem to have acted as bridging contexts.

Amongst the problems of contact grammaticalisation research in past studies has been, first, the problem of searching for diachronic evidence in relatively ‘new’ language situations, something which was advocated by Bruyn (2009), amongst others as essential to contact grammaticalisation research. Because of the absence of stage-by-stage diachronic evidence for contact grammaticalisation, many cases of ordinary contact-induced grammaticalisation may at first appear as simply calques (polysemy-copying in Heine & Kuteva 2005). The present study reveals the presence of lexical persistence in the age-graded distribution of the perfective marker already in Singaporean and Malaysian English, and demonstrates that even ordinary contact-induced grammaticalisation may be gradual if it is mediated by constraints from the lexifier source material. The study also questions the hypothesis of Total Systemic Transfer of the Chinese perfective aspectual system in Singapore English (Bao, 2001; 2005; 2015), and suggests an extended function for the Lexifier Filter in contact.

In this article, the grammaticalization and narrative use of the Hebrew wayyiqṭol form is discussed in typological comparison with three phenomena from non-Semitic (and, indeed, non-Afro-Asiatic) l...

This paper traces the semantic and constructional development of the complement-taking verb εὑρίσκω ‘find’ from Homeric Greek to Post-Classical Greek. First, the paper details the semantic development of εὑρίσκω using characteristics such as predicate type, semantic role of the subject and factivity. Subsequently, explanations are offered for the constructional development of εὑρίσκω, using insights from grammaticalization research such as reanalysis and analogy. In contrast to previous studies on Ancient Greek complementation which support the idea of a systematic Classical Greek opposition of factive participial versus non-factive infinitival complementation, this paper shows how bridging contexts of mental judgment εὑρίσκω with a participial complement do not follow this opposition as they are non-factive and changed their meaning (with reanalysis) before changing their complementation structure (through analogy). Also, by extending our view to the individual history of other cognitive predicates (ἐπίσταμαι, γιγνώσκω and οἶδα) the author showsthat other cognitive predicates undergo similar developments from factive+object to factive+ ACP to non-factive+ACI, although their individual histories are still in need of a systematic diachronic account. Thus, complementation patterns per period could be analysed in a more fine-grained way by analysing complementation patterns bottom-up from the semantic and constructional evolutions of individual predicates. Also, the findings from this paper provide evidence towards a diachronic solution of the so-called matching-problem: diachronically related semantic and constructional stages strongly motivate the choice of a specific complementation structure but absolute factivity oppositions in Classical Greek complementation are rather strong tendencies.

DOI: https://doi.org/10.17721/APULTP.2020.41.135-154 The stages that encompass the future tense development are singled out as discrete phenomena within the process of the Germanic language development. The Gothic verb system can serve as the background for the investigation of the tense transformations in question. The difficulties of tense examination in the Old Germanic languages were connected with some conceptions about the Indo-Iranian and Greek languages that used to dominate in the scientific circles for a long time. Those conceptions were based on Latin and Greek patterns and postulated the use of present, past and future tenses in all Indo-European languages. The above conceptions were ruined when the study of Tokharian and Hittite demonstrated the use of the present tense for the description of future actions. The idea of losing “the protolanguage inheritance” was proved wrong, and it was incorrect to transfer the complex tense system of Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin to other Proto-Indo-European languages. The examination of the tense differentiation in Gothic (as the main source of the Old Germanic language) demonstrates that the Gothic infinitive functioned as a no-particular-time unit, while personal verb forms were involved in performing tense functions. The Gothic present tense verbs represented present and future tenses and no-particular-time phenomena. Some periphrastic forms containing preterite-present verbs with the infinitive occurred sporadically. The periphrastic forms correlated with Greek and Latin patterns of the same future tense meaning. The periphrastic future forms in Gothic often contained some modal shades of meaning. The Gothic present tense functioned as a colony-forming archi-unit and a pluripotential (temporal) precursor. The periphrastic Gothic future forms are recognised as a monopotential (temporal) precursor with some modal meaning. The key research method used in the present article is the comparative historical method. The authors viewed it as the most reliable and appropriate for the study of tense forms. Key words: colony-forming archi-unit, future tense, monopotential precursors, periphrastic forms. Information about the authors: Botsman Andriy Vasylovych – PhD in Chemistry, PhD in english philology, аssociate professor; аssociate professor of the department of english philology and intercultural communication; Institute of Philology; Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Dmytruk Olga Viktorivna – PhD in english philology, associate professor; associate professor of the department of english philology and intercultural communication; Institute of Philology; Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Tamara Petrivna Kozlovska – PhD in english philology, associate professor; associate professor of the department of english philology and intercultural communication; Institute of Philology; Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. E-mail: a.botsman@knu.ua; o.dmytruk@knu.ua; kk4138221@gmail.com REFERENCES Ammann H. (1936). Germanischen und indogermanischen. Germanen und Indogermanen. Volkstum, Sprache, Heimat, Kultur, Festschrift für Herman Hirt. Heidelberg: Fachbuchverlag, 328-342 [in German]. Arntz H. (1936). Gemeingermanisch. Germanen und Indogermanen. Volkstum, Sprache, Heimat, Kultur, Festschrift für Herman Hirt. Heidelberg: Fachbuchverlag, 429-451. [in German]. Behaghel O. (1923). Deutche Syntax. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universität. Bd.II. B. Adverbum, C. Verbum, 372 s. [in German]. Beheydt G. (2005). The absolute and the relative present tense with future time references in English and Dutch. Crosslinguistic Views on Tense, Aspect and Modality. 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In this paper we analyse the grammaticalisation processes involved in the rise and development of the ‘a-adverbial’ aside from the original combination of the preposition on and the substantive side in Old English. Different aspects of this grammatical change will be discussed in the paper, from morphosyntactic and phonological (coalescence-univerbation) to semantic ones (development of abstract senses, extension of semantic range), taking very much into account the diachronic axis that underpins them. Special attention has been paid in the analysis to the variation patterns of aside that existed in the Late Middle English period (when the actual process of grammaticalisation was about to be completed) and to the correlation of these variants with the geographic provenance of the texts, trying to determine if the processes of word formation that gave rise to this new word class travelled homogeneously across Britain.